ABSTRACT
ln this thesis I discuss about the ancestor worship in in the Chinese-Hakkafamily and community in Singkawang-West Kalimantan (Borneo). The centralconcem of this study is the description and analysis of ancestor worship in ritualsof death within family as conducted at the home, at place managed by Chineseburial association, and burial place, before and after burial.The main issue raised in this thesis is the function of ancestor worship forHakka family and community of Singkawang, which based on Mauss (1992) andSuparlan (l978)?s exchange theory is to tighten the kinship relations betweenfamily members who are alive or living in this world-the ?real world? and theirancestors in the atier-life world or the ?unreal world?.The reason for the Hakka people of Singkawang to worship theirancestors. besides showing their filial piety (xiao) to ancestor. is also to ask forprotection and assistance from them. In the time of needs or problems, membersof a Hakka family or community will ask their ancestor spirits to help and protecthim or her, and in return they will reciprocate the ancestors? help by providingfood and beverages, as well as by paying respect to them, and all of these areconducted through rituals at the burial place or temples. This form or exchange isalways maintained because it benefited both sides.Death and death rituals in Hakka family are the most important part olancestor worship among the Chinese-Hakka in Singkawang. There would be noancestor worship without death and death rituals. According to Hakka people?sbeliefs, the well-being of their ancestors in the after-life will determine their well-being or the well-being of related family in this life.In Chinese culture, as stated by Mencius, the most revered Confucianphilosopher after Confucius himself, ?the greatest of all sins is to have no sons tocarry on the ancestral line and continue the ancestors? worship? (see McCreey inScupin, 2000: 286). Therefore, ?sons? is the operative world for Chinese ingeneral. Traditional Chinese society is a patrilineal society in which Family surname and the right to a share of the family property descends from father toson. Daughters, once they married, their duty is to serve their parents-in-law, toworship their husband?s ancestors, and above all, to provide sons to continue theirhusband?s family line. Thus, usually daughters are not expected to share theburden of ancestor?s worship within their original family. In this thesis, I showthat in Hakka family and community in Singkawang, in contrast to theabovementioned Chinese tradition, daughters who have married, together withtheir husbands, could come and share the burden of ancestor worship duty in thedaughters? original family, as long as they do not take the place of sons as theleader of the family. Hakka family and community in Singkawang too seeancestor worship as means to gather members of related family, from bothpatrilineal and matrilineal sides, at one place and at a particular time, not only toconduct rituals and to worship their ancestors, but also to talk about familyeconomy as well as other metters among family members.The ancestor worship of Haldta family and community in Singkawangdoes not only benefit members of related family, but, as a matter of fact, alsoprovides some advantages for members of other ethnic groups, such as theMadurese and the Dayaks, particularly those who live near the Chinese burialplace. During Ching Ming Jie or Chinese Toms Festival and Zhong Yuan Jie orHungry Ghost Festival, these people-the Madurese and the Dayaks--could askto help Hakka families to clean or cut grass on their ancestors? graves in return fora little money.