Tiap masyarakat tentunya berbeda-beda dalam mengonstruksi seksualitas mereka dan hal tersebut tercermin pada norma-norma yang berlaku di masyarakat tersebut. Saya berusaha menjelaskan hubungan antara konstruksi masyarakat Mekarwaru tentang seksualitas perempuan dalam titik ini pengawasan dan pengaturan seksualitas kepada perempuan. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan etnografi, metode life-history, observasi partisipan, dan wawancara mendalam dengan melibatkan tidak hanya para perempuan sebagai subjek yang diawasi dan diatur, tapi juga orang tua, aparat desa, remaja Karang Taruna, serta masyarakat sekitar yang saya kategorikan menjadi gossipers sebagai bentuk triangulasi. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian saya, ada dua hal yang menjadi alat untuk mengontrol seksualitas perempuan Mekarwaru, yakni pertalian rasa malu (kinship of shame) dan gosip. Rasa malu nyatanya tak dapat muncul begitu saja, tetapi diaktifkan menggunakan gosip. Tulisan ini juga ingin menunjukan bahwa aliran kekuasaan tidak melulu secara top-down ataupun bottom-up, tapi juga horizontal. Hal ini tercermin dari pelaksanaan apel malam serta bekerjanya pertalian rasa malu [kinship of shame] dan gosip sebagai praktik village biopower untuk mewujudkan performative regulation.

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Each community constructs their ows sexuality, which could be reflected in their social norms that they carries and applies. Through this writing, I explained the connections between the social construction in the village of Mekarwaru regarding their women’s sexuality with the surveillance and sexuality regulation for women. I use ethnographic approach, life-history methods paired with participant observation and in-depth interview to not only the women as the subject that are being watched and regulated, but also their parents, village apparatus, Remaja Karang Taruna, and the community members that I categorizes as ‘the gossiper’ as a form of triangulation. My research shows that there’s two things that plays the role as a ‘tool’ to control Mekarwaru’s women’s sexuality, that are kinship of shame and gossip. The shame aspect could not stand by itself without the active role of gossip. Through this writing, I would also like to show that power flow is not as stagnant as ‘top-down’ or ‘down-top’, but could also be horizontal, which proven through the ’apel malam’ activity, and the work of kinship of shame with gossip as a practice of village biopower to manifest the performative regulation.