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"Election system is a main factor which will influence women representation in legislative bodies. In relation with this, law No. 10/2008 on elections of DPR, DPD, DPRD members has stipulated 30 % quota for women representatives in its various chapters, which made it more comprehensive compared to law No. 12/2003....."

"Tesis ini menggambarkan tentang faktor penyebab tidak maksimalnya peran anggota legislatif perempuan dalam pembuatan peraturan keterwakilan perempuan pada UU pemilu anggota DPR, DPD dan DPRD (UU No.12 tahun 2003, UU No.10 tahun 2008 dan UU No.8 tahun 2012). Latar belakang penulisan yaitu berawal dari fenomena lemahnya keberadaan peraturan keterwakilan perempuan sehingga menjadi salah satu dampak rendahnya keterwakilan perempuan di lembaga legislatif Indonesia. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, hasil yang diperoleh yaitu anggota legislatif perempuan belum maksimal menjalankan perannya dalam pembuatan peraturan keterwakilan perempuan. Faktor-faktor penyebabnya adalah pertama, jumlah anggota legislatif perempuan dan jumlah aktor kritis yang sedikit. Kedua, fokus keterwakilan anggota legislatif lebih banyak ke partai politik. Ketiga, gaya keterwakilan anggota legislatif dalam pembuatan peraturan tentang keterwakilan perempuan lebih bersifat delegasi (utusan dari partai politik), dan keempat, isu keterwakilan perempuan belum menjadi bagian kepemilikan isu oleh partai politik.

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This thesis is about the factors why the role of women legislator is un maximum in decision making of women?s representation in electoral law DPR, DPD and DPRD (Act 12 of 2003, Act 10 of 2008 and No. 8 in 2012). The backround of this research is the weakness of women representation regulation which makes the number of women legislator is low in Indonesian legislative. Using qualitative method, this research has result that women legislator is un maximum when they do their role of making women representation regulation. The factors are, the first is the less of women legislator and the less of critism of woman legislator, the second is the focus of the women legislator is much concern about politic. The third factor is the style of women legislator when making women representation regulation is using delegation caracter (delegate from politic party). The last is the women representator issue has not yet become politic party ownership issue."

"Tesis ini membahas tentang sistem pemilu yang berkembang saat ini termasuk di Indonesia. Pemilu merupakan pelaksanaan kehendak rakyat sebagai perwujudan dari demokrasi. Anggota legislatif yang terpilih adalah wakil rakyat yang diharapkan dapat mengemban amanat rakyat. Indonesia pada dasarnya menganut sistem pemilu proporsional dengan daftar calon yang disusun oleh partai pada daerah dengan perwakilan jamak. Pada awalnya sistem pemilu Indonesia menerapkan daftar tertutup (proporsional tertutup) tetapi sejak diberlakukannya UU Nomor 10 Tahun 2008, daftar calon bersifat terbuka (proporsional terbuka) sehingga calon yang memperoleh suara terbanyak ditetapkan menjadi calon terpilih. Penetapan calon yang terpilih ternyata tidak semudah yang dibayangkan karena terdapat sistem yang mengatur tentang penghitungan dan pembagian kursi legislatif bagi partai dan calon. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian Yuridis Normatif, pendekatan dilakukan dengan teori pemilu, teori aturan pemilu serta konsep tentang pemilihan sistem pemilu, perbandingan sistem pemilu, desain aturan pemilu, mekanisme pemilu, partisipasi pemilih, dan proporsionalitas. Untuk memperoleh kesimpulan dari tujuan penelitian, maka hal-hal yang disampaikan adalah meliputi sistem pemilu, perbandingan sistem penghitungan perolehan kursi DPR dalam UU pemilu, dan penerapan sistem penghitungan perolehan kursi dalam Pemilu Tahun 2009. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diperoleh hasil bahwa sistem penghitungan perolehan kursi DPR pada Pemilu Tahun 2009 dan yang akan diterapkan dalam Pemilu Tahun 2014 ternyata sangat rumit dan tidak mudah untuk dipahami bagi penyelenggara pemilu, partai dan calon legislatif, apalagi rumusan yang dibuat oleh pembentuk UU ternyata tidak sederhana dan berbelit-belit. Akibatnya, terdapat berbagai penafsiran atas sistem penghitungan perolehan kursi DPR baik oleh KPU, partai maupun calon legislatif, sehingga pada Pemilu Tahun 2009, Mahkamah Agung dan Mahkamah Konstitusi mengeluarkan putusan judicial review dan pengujian undang-undang yang saling bertentangan tentang sistem penghitungan perolehan kursi DPR. Kerumitan rumusan sistem penghitungan perolehan kursi DPR tersebut dapat mengakibatkan disproporsionalitas pembagian kursi DPR yang pada akhirnya banyak suara pemilih yang terbuang sia-sia.

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This thesis discusses the development of electoral system developed, including in Indonesia . Election is the implementation of the will of the people as the embodiment of democracy . Legislators are representatives of the people, who are expected to carry out the mandate of the Indonesian people, basically adhere to the proportional representatives system with a list of candidates drawn up by the party in the multi member district. At first, Indonesian electoral system implements a closed list but since the enactment of Act No. 10/2008, electoral system implements an open list so that the candidate who gets the ost votes is elected . Determination of the elected candidate was not as easy as one might imagine because there is a complex system for calculation and distribution of legislative seats for parties and candidates . By using normative juridical research methods, the approach made by the theory of elections, electoral rules theory and the concept of electoral system choice, comparative electoral systems, the design of electoral rules, electoral mechanisms, voter participation, and proportionality. To obtain the conclusion of the study objectives were presented with the electoral system, the comparative of the legislative distribution seats system in the Indonesia election law, and the application of the distribution seats system in the general election at the 2009.

Based on the results of the research is that the distribution seats system at the election in 2009 and which will be implemented in the 2014 election are complicated and not easy to understand for the organizers of the election, prty and the candidates, especially the formulation made by the law maker was not a simple and complicated. As a result, there are different interpretations of distribution seats system, either by the electoral Commission, parties and candidates, so that the election of 2009, the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court made an opposing judicial review about the distribution seats system. The complexity formula of distribution seats system could result in disproportionality distribution of legislative seats and at the end, many voters are wasted."

"Keberhasilan enam perempuan anggota DPRD Provinsi NTT hasil pemilu 2014 dalam mendorong lahirnya peraturan daerah (perda) responsif gender merupakan fenomena penting bagi representasi politik perempuan di wilayah kuatnya budaya patriarki. Maka dengan alat analisa representasi substantif dari Hanna Pitkin, dan modal sosial dari Robert Putnam, penelitian ini mengambil kasus enam perempuan dalam menjalankan aktivitas perwakilan, mulai dari pra pemilu, menjadi kandidat, kemudian terpilih, hingga terlibat dalam penyusunan tiga perda responsif gender pada tahun 2016.Penelitian ini menggunakan teori representasi substantif “acting for” dari Hanna Pitkin dan teori modal sosial dari Robert Putnam. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif dengan teknik wawancara mendalam terhadap enam perempuan anggota DPRD Provinsi NTT periode 2014-2019.Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan budaya patriarki – dalam bentuk latar belakang dan dukungan laki-laki (suami, ayah) yang merupakan tokoh masyarakat, tokoh adat, politisi, dan kepala daerah – berkontribusi pada pencalonan di partai dan keterpilihan enam perempuan tersebut. Modal sosial kandidat perempuan berupa hubungan kekerabatan dengan elite laki-laki, dalam kasus NTT, ternyata menghasilkan keterpilihan perempuan yang tertinggi di DPRD NTT (naik 100 persen dibanding pada pemilu 2009). Sementara itu, profesi, rekam jejak, dan pengalaman jejaring enam anggota perempuan yang telah memiliki kedekatan dengan isu perempuan sebelum mereka terpilih, berkontribusi pada dua hal: perspektif gender yang solid, dan aktivitas mewakili kepentingan perempuan dalam penyusunan perda responsif gender (Perda Kesehatan Ibu dan Anak, Perda Lingkungan Hidup, dan Perda Tenaga Kerja Indonesia). Implikasi teoritis dari teori Hanna Pitkin tentang representasi substantif “acting for” dapat dilakukan oleh enam perempuan ini dengan perspektif gender yang diperolehnya dari pengalaman jejaring dan rekam jejak. Sedangkan dari teori modal sosial Robert Putnam menunjukkan proses masuk dan keberhasilan enam perempuan ini dalam kontestasi politik dipengaruhi oleh budaya patriarki melalui nama besar laki-laki (suami, ayah) yang memiliki pengaruh dalam masyarakat dan komunikasi mereka yang bersifat daily politics.

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The election of six female representatives in East Nusa Tenggara's regional legislative body in the 2014 elections have propelled the birth of gender-responsive regional policies. This marks a monumental moment in women's political representation, specifically in geographical areas that are deeply-rooted in patriarchy. This study follows these women's activities, starting from before the election, during the candidacy, when they were elected, and their involvement in the formulation of three gender-responsive policies in 2016 through the lenses of Hanna Pitkin's substantive representative analysis tool and Robert Putnam's social capital theory.

This study uses Hanna Pitkin's "acting for" substantive representation and Robert Putnam's social capital theory. The method used in this research is qualitative in nature and involves an in-depth interview with the six women who were incumbent during the 2014-2019 period.

The principal findings of this study reveals that having originated from a culture that is patriarchal, support from men (husbands and fathers) who are public and cultural figures, as well as politicians is a contributing factor towards the candidacy and election of these women.Social capital, which comes in the form of these women's connection with male elites have also resulted in their election (a 100 percent increase compared to the previous 2009 election). Meanwhile, the profession, track record, and networking experience of these six women before the election are closely related to women's issues and contributed towards a solidified perspective on gender and an active participation in fighting for gender-responsive policies that would cater the interests of women. (Local Regulation on Mother and Child Health, Local Regulation on the Environment, and Local Regulation on Indonesian Migrant Workers).

The theoretical implication of Hanna Pitkin's theory on "acting for" substantive representation is that these women were enabled to act for their constituents because of their perspective on gender that was obtained through their track record and networking experience. On the other hand, Robert Putnam's social capital theory shows that the entry process and the success of these women in political contestation is affected by the patriarchal culture, namely the fame of men (their fathers and/or husbands) that had influence amongst the people and their 'daily politics' communication style."

"According to 1945 Constitution amended during the General Assembly of the People Consultative Assembly in 1999, the House of Representatives as Legislative Institution has an important role. This has been proved by a shift of authority on drafting from the President to the House of Representatives on its legislation initiative. The shift related to the role and authority of the House on legislation is stipulated on Section 5 article (1) and Section 20 article (1) of 1945 Constitution. From the time when the 1999 -- 2004 House of Representatives was inaugurated on 1 October 1999, this reform era of the House of Representatives was considered as having a better performance on legislation compare with previous eras of the House of Representatives. The achievement of the House of Representatives during this period can be seen from the quantity and quality aspects. From quantity aspect, since October 1999 to June 2004 there had been a number of laws, while from the quality aspect it can be said that it was better than the previous periods. However, it is realized that the quality of the laws during this period was being challenge by the people. Even from the very beginning during the publication the draft, there had been critics from the people related to the draft.This thesis discusses about the implementation of legislative function as one main function of the House of Representatives. This thesis tries to explain to what extend the House of Representatives functioning as one indicator of democracy process. The main question of this thesis is trying to describe the conversion process that is how an input to the House of Representatives in form of initiative draft is being process as an output that is the law. The theory used here is David Easton system theory and Interest Group theory from Gabriel A. Almond, and Montesquieu's threefold division of political authority.This research uses qualitative research method with data gathering technique through in-depth interview and library study. The problem is being analyzed using a comprehensive integral approach, while the mechanism of the discussion is open, and the decision made based on discussion to reach an agreement.The research result shows that during conversion process, inputs from the society and interest groups were promptly articulated, categorized and unified, and then processed to become a draft of initiative of the House of Representatives. In some cases, there were also some initiative drafts of the House of Representatives after a joint discussion with the government that were never been approved by the President."