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"During the cold war, the superpowers endeavored to win hearts and minds through what came to be called public diplomacy. Many of the target audiences were on the front lines in Europe. But other, larger ones resided in areas outside Europe, in the throes of decolonization and poverty. Among these lands, for all the drama of war, intervention, and revolution, the majority experienced the cold war as public diplomacy, as a media war for their allegiance rather than as a violent war for their lives. In these areas, superpower public diplomacy encountered issues of race, empire, poverty, and decolonization, all in flux as they intersected with the cold war, and with long-running anti-imperialist currents. The challenge to US public diplomacy was acute, as the image of the United States was inseparable from Jim Crow and from Washingtons European alliances. Yet the greater consequence of these campaigns was not for American diplomacy, but rather for postwar international history, when the non-European world responded to this media war by joining it. Newly independent voices launched public diplomacy campaigns of their own, making for a crowded field. In addition to validating the strategic importance of public diplomacy, this proliferation of voices articulated a different vision. Reappropriating the space left between the poles of the superpower conflict, this global conversation formulated the Third World project around a nucleus of nonalignment, development, and anticolonial racial solidarity. The Global South response to the Cold War thereby helped to coalesce the third world as a transnational imagined community."

"[Perang Dingin yang berakhir pada tahun 1990 telah mengubah konstelasi politik dan keamanan dunia. Kemunculan banyak negara baru yang dulu tidak terlalu dominan dalam politik dunia, kini menjadi pemain yang cukup diperhitungkan seperti Jepang. Setelah mengalami kekalahan pada Perang Dunia Ke-II, Jepang menjadi negara yang tidak normal karena tidak memiliki kekuatan militer.Sejak saat itu pula, Jepang menggantungkan keamanan nasionalnya di bawah perlindungan payung keamanan Amerika Serikat. Seiring berjalannya waktu, struktur keamanan global maupun regional telah berubah. Kemunculan China sebagai kekuatan regional baru, pengembangan senjata nuklir Korea Utara, modernisasi militer Korea Selatan, serta banyaknya masalah baik teritorial maupun sejarah di Asia Timur telah mempengaruhi Jepang untuk mengubah kebijakan Pertahanannya. Perubahan kebijakan ini diwujudkan dalam dua usaha yaitu usaha internal melalui peningkatan kekuatan pertahanan Jepang dan usaha eksternal melalui peningkatan diplomasi pertahanan Jepang dengan negara-negara di kawasan Asia Pasifik.

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The end of Cold War in 1990 changed global political constellation and security. The emergence of new global power that were not determined in the past, now have a very significant role in global politics such as Japan. After losing to U.S allies in the World War II, Japan became abnormal state because she did not have military power. Since then, Japan has been depended her national security on U.S security umbrella. After Cold War, the situation surroundings Japan has changed. China rose as a new global power, nuclear weapon possession by North Korea, South Korea's military modernization, and territorial disputes among them give impacts on Japan?s Defense Policy. The change of Japan's Defense Policy is indicated by two attempts, which are internal efforts and external efforts. Internal efforts are executed by increasing military power and external efforts are executed by developing defense diplomacy through security arrangements with the Asia Pacific countries. The end of Cold War in 1990 changed global political constellation and security. The emergence of new global power that were not determined in the past, now have a very significant role in global politics such as Japan. After losing to U.S allies in the World War II, Japan became abnormal state because she did not have military power. Since then, Japan has been depended her national security on U.S security umbrella. After Cold War, the situation surroundings Japan has changed. China rose as a new global power, nuclear weapon possession by North Korea, South Korea’s military modernization, and territorial disputes among them give impacts on Japan’s Defense Policy. The change of Japan’s Defense Policy is indicated by two attempts, which are internal efforts and external efforts. Internal efforts are executed by increasing military power and external efforts are executed by developing defense diplomacy through security arrangements with the Asia Pacific countries., The end of Cold War in 1990 changed global political constellation and security. The emergence of new global power that were not determined in the past, now have a very significant role in global politics such as Japan. After losing to U.S allies in the World War II, Japan became abnormal state because she did not have military power. Since then, Japan has been depended her national security on U.S security umbrella. After Cold War, the situation surroundings Japan has changed. China rose as a new global power, nuclear weapon possession by North Korea, South Korea’s military modernization, and territorial disputes among them give impacts on Japan’s Defense Policy. The change of Japan’s Defense Policy is indicated by two attempts, which are internal efforts and external efforts. Internal efforts are executed by increasing military power; and external efforts are executed by developing defense diplomacy through security arrangements with the Asia Pacific countries.]"

"In 1989-90 the map of Europe was transformed peacefully-without a war, unlike other great ruptures of the international order such as 1815, 1870, 1918, and 1945. What role did international summitry play in the dénouement of the cold war? So far scholars have focused on long-term systemic factors, Gorbachevs reform agenda, or the impact in 1989 of people power. This major multinational study, based on archives from both sides of the Iron Curtain, adopts a novel perspective by exploring the contribution of international statecraft to the dissolution of Europes bipolar order. This is done through the examination of key summit meetings from 1970 to 1990 across three phases Thawing the cold war, living with the cold war, and transcending the cold war and in three main strands: the superpowers and arms control, their triangular relationship with China, and the German question. The threads are drawn together in a sweeping analytical conclusion. The book includes fascinating insights into key statesman such as Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, Leonid Brezhnev and Mikhail Gorbachev, Willy Brandt and Helmut Kohl, Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping, both as thinkers about the international system and also practitioners of summit bargaining. Particular attention is devoted to the cultural dimensions of summitry, as performative acts for the media and as engagement with the other across ideological divides. Written in lively prose, this book is essential reading for those interested in modern history, contemporary politics, and international relations addressing issues that still shape the world today."

"Tulisan ini akan melihat perkembangan kehadiran Amerika Serikat (AS) di kawasan Laut China Selatan semenjak berakhirnya Perang Dingin. Dengan mengeksplorasi literatur-literatur yang membahas hal tersebut, penulis berharap mampu menghasilkan suatu gambaran yang utuh terkait dengan evolusi kehadiran AS beserta dengan kebijakan luar negeri yang dibuat oleh AS terkait dengan isu Laut China Selatan. Pembahasan terhadap ke-34 literatur yang diangkat dalam tinjauan literatur ini kemudian menghasilkan sejumlah temuan berupa: (1) misi naval presence United States Navy (USN/AL AS) merupakan komponen penting dari strategi kebijakan luar negeri AS; (2) terdapat peningkatan kehadiran AS di kawasan Laut China Selatan dalam beberapa waktu terakhir, meskipun hal ini terbukti gagal untuk membendung perilaku agresif China sebagai akibat dari ketiadaan strategi raya yang mendasari kebijakan luar negeri AS di kawasan serta keengganan AS untuk membangun suatu kerja sama ekonomi dengan negara-negara di kawasan; (3) peningkatan kapabilitas sistem anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) China membuat AS harus mencari strategi baru untuk bisa mempertahankan kebebasan operasionalnya di kawasan yang berujung pada lahirnya strategi Air-Sea Battle (ASB); (4) diperlukan kerja sama yang lebih erat dengan negara-negara di kawasan apabila AS ingin membendung China. Sementara itu, terdapat pula sejumlah celah penelitian yang berhasil diidentifikasi oleh penulis, utamanya yang berkaitan dengan pengembangan kapabilitas AS dalam menghadapi praktik grey zone oleh China, termasuk pelibatan penjaga pantai AS dalam Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs).

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This literature review will take a closer look at the evolution of the United States’ presence in the South China Sea region since the end of the Cold War. By exploring works of literature that discussed this particular issue, the writer hopes that this literature review will be able to provide a comprehensive understanding regarding the evolution of US presence and foreign policies in the South China Sea region. After analyzing the 34 pieces of literature discussed in this literature review, the writer argues that: (1) the naval presence mission of the United States Navy (USN) is an important component in US foreign policy strategy; (2) an increase in US presence in the South China Sea could be seen in recent times, although it has to be admitted that this surge in US presence has proven ineffective in curbing China’s aggressive behavior as a result of the absence of a comprehensive grand strategy that underlies US foreign policy in the region and US’ reluctance to establish a comprehensive economic cooperation with its allies and partners in the region; (3) the increasing capabilities of China’s anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) system have compelled the US to seek new strategies to maintain its operational freedom in the region, resulting in the emergence of the Air-Sea Battle (ASB) strategy; (4) establishing closer cooperation with countries in the region is a must if the US wants to contain China. The writer also identifies several research gaps, particularly concerning the development of US capabilities in dealing with China’s grey zone practices in the region, which could also include the involvement of the US Coast Guard in Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs)."

"Following Heonik Kwon, this article explores the social and cultural underpinnings of the Cold War (and Cambodia’s stance of neutrality in relation to it) as illustrated through the life of a colorful Cambodian monk, Dharmawara Mahathera. Long resident in India, Dharmawara became a confidant of Norodom Sihanouk as the latter negotiated independence and Cambodia’s new geopolitical realities. Dharmawara was one point of connection between Sihanouk and India at the time Sihanouk was drawn to a position of neutrality and to the Non-Aligned Movement associated with Jawaharlal Nehru and Zhou Enlai, and his story illuminates some of the cultural interface underlying the politics. He would assume a profile in emerging institutions of international Buddhism, such as the World Fellowship of Buddhists, which in their own way related to developing geopolitics. He subsequently attracted the attention of American diplomats in Cambodia in ways that illustrate something of how the Cold War came to be negotiated on the ground. His tensions with the Cambodian monastic hierarchy help us better understand the latter’s role at a historical conjuncture. I argue that Dharmawara helps us understand Sihanouk’s emerging philosophy of “Buddhist socialism.”"