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"Tesis ini memodifikasi penelitian Fraser, Zhang, dan Derashid (2006) yang berjudul ?Capital Structure and Political Patronage: the Case of Malaysia.? Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui apakah adanya politik patronase di dalam struktur dewan perusahaan dapat meningkatkan kemampuan perusahaan untuk berhutang lebih. Penelitian ini mendeteksi adanya politik patronase di dalam perusahaan dengan adanya hubungan mantan menteri, mantan staf ahli kementerian, purnawirawan (baik TNI maupun Polri), relasi pejabat, dan/atau relasi bisnis di dalam struktur dewan perusahaan. Secara mengejutkan, adanya politik patronase pada Dewan Komisaris perusahaan akan mengurangi leverage perusahaan walaupun pada Dewan Direksi akan semakin meningkatkan leverage. Struktur kepemilikan, praktik tata kelola perusahaan, ukuran perusahaan, aset tetap, tingkat profitabilitas, dan kesempatan investasi memiliki pengaruh signifikan pula terhadap keputusan struktur modal perusahaan yang memiliki informasi patron. Selain itu, ditemukan juga bahwa majority shareholders atau komisaris sebagai political executive akan meningkatkan kemampuan perusahaan untuk berhutang lebih.

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This thesis is modifying research done by Fraser, Zhang, and Derashid (2006) named ?Capital Structure and Political Patronage: the Case of Malaysia.? This research aims to find out whether the presence of political patronage in the board could enhance the firm?s ability to carry more debt in its capital structure. The political patronage is detected by the presence of ties between the former ministers, the former ministry expert staff, the former high-rank military/police officers, the family of officials, and/or the business relation in the board. Surprisingly, the presence of political patronage on the board of commissioners may reduce debt despite the presence of it on the board of directors may increase the debt. Ownership structure, good corporate governance, firm size, fixed asset, profitability, and investment opportunities had significant impacts to decisionmaking process related with the capital structure of companies that had those patrons. In addition, the result also shows that majority shareholders or commissioners as a political executive will enhance the firm?s ability to carry more debt in its capital structure."

"Tidak semua duta besar yang diangkat oleh suatu negara merupakan seorang diplomat karier. Di Indonesia, pengangkatan duta besar dari kalangan diplomat non-karier kerap hadir dari masa ke masa. Meskipun agenda reformasi telah menghadirkan kriteria duta besar dengan landasan hukum yang jelas, di era Presiden Joko Widodo, tetap terdapat peningkatan persentase duta besar Republik Indonesia yang merupakan diplomat non-karier daripada pemerintahan sebelumnya. Selain itu, Presiden Joko Widodo mengangkat orang-orang yang pengalamannya tidak relevan dengan diplomasi secara umum maupun diplomasi ekonomi secara khusus sebagai fokus yang ia tekankan. Fenomena-fenomena tersebut memunculkan pertanyaan tentang pola pengangkatan duta besar Republik Indonesia di era Presiden Joko Widodo. Penelitian kuantitatif ini memanfaatkan teori patronase untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut. Penelitian menggunakan data 170 pengangkatan duta besar di era Presiden Joko Widodo dari tahun 2014 hingga 2024. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa patronase dalam bentuk duta besar Republik Indonesia dengan latar belakang bisnis lebih mungkin ditempatkan di negara yang derajat hubungannya lebih tinggi dengan Indonesia dan lebih strategis secara ekonomi bagi Indonesia. Penelitian juga menemukan bahwa duta besar Republik Indonesia dari TNI dan Polri lebih mungkin ditempatkan di negara yang lebih tidak damai. Pola pengangkatan ini tampak paralel dengan visi diplomasi ekonomi, tetapi tidak dapat dikatakan menguntungkan kepentingan nasional semata mengingat pertimbangan politik domestik Presiden Joko Widodo dalam mengangkat pebisnis. Alhasil, sesuai dengan pemahaman bahwa Presiden merupakan aktor sentral dalam kebijakan luar negeri, pola pengangkatan ini juga mencerminkan sentralitas peran Presiden yang determinan sekaligus keterbatasan peran birokratik Kementerian Luar Negeri (Kemlu) Republik Indonesia dalam pengangkatan duta besar. Kemlu menjadi tempat bagi Presiden Joko Widodo untuk menyisipkan kepentingan politiknya. Dengan demikian, selama masa pemerintahannya, Presiden Joko Widodo melakukan patronase melalui pengangkatan duta besar Republik Indonesia.

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Not all ambassadors appointed by a state are career diplomats. In Indonesia, ambassadorial appointments from non-career diplomats often exist from time to time. While the reformasi agenda has given a clear legal basis of ambassadorial criteria, in the era of President Joko Widodo, there is still an increase from the previous government in the percentage of ambassadors who are non-career diplomats. Moreover, President Joko Widodo appointed ambassadors with no relevant experience in diplomacy in general and economic diplomacy in particular as the focus that he emphasized. These phenomena raise the question of the pattern of ambassadorial appointment in the era of President Joko Widodo. This quantitative research utilizes the patronage theory to answer that question. This study uses the data of 170 ambassadorial appointments in the era of President Joko Widodo from 2014 to 2024. The result of this study showed that patronage in the form of ambassadors with a business background are more likely to receive appointments to countries with higher degree of relations with Indonesia as well as countries economically more strategic for Indonesia. This study also found that ambassadors from TNI and Polri are more likely to be appointed to less peaceful countries. While this pattern appears parallel to the economic diplomacy vision, it cannot be said that it is solely for the benefit of Indonesia’s national interest, bearing the President’s domestic politics considerations in appointing businessmen. Therefore, in accordance with the understanding that the President is a central actor in foreign policy, this pattern also reflects the centrality of the President’s determinant role and the limited bureaucratic role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) of the Republic of Indonesia. MoFA becomes an arena for President Joko Widodo to insert his political interests. Thus, during his reign, President Joko Widodo carried out patronage through the appointment of ambassadors of Indonesia."

"The fall of Suharto’s authoritarian regime and the subsequent dissolution of vertical political patronage led to an upsurge of mass mobilization based on religion and/or ethnicity. In Jakarta, newly emerged vigilante groups that initially sought to represent small-scale neighborhood communities rapidly grew in size by receiving endorsements from local political authorities as well as by gaining extensive popular support. Despite their persistent association with violence and illicitness in popular discourse, some of those vigilante groups quickly increased their membership to hundreds of thousands. Highlighting the activities of the Forum Betawi Rempug (FBR), one of the biggest of these groups, this paper explains the causes, processes, and consequences of its expansion. The nature of the Betawi ethnic identity that has been constructed over decades, as well as an alternative mode of populist discourse that became prevalent in Jakarta during the last couple of decades, were the key background conditions through which such groups expanded in both size and geographic reach. These conditions also led to a loosely disciplined and highly autonomous organizational structure. An explanation of this process calls for a radical revision of the conventional model of ethnic mobilization that takes for granted disciplined organization and hierarchical control. In contemporary Jakarta, successful mass mobilization is not the sheer result of people’s response to populist calls. Attention must be paid to the logic of the mobilized in order to explain why vigilante organizations have been able to gain popular support despite their notorious reputation. This paper investigates the perspectives of the mobilized by focusing on neighborhood-level activities of the FBR. In so doing, it exemplifies how some residents perceive the FBR as a provider of potential socioeconomic resources for the enhancement of their life environment."

"ABSTRACTFisheries based livelihoods in the Berau Delta are diverse. The everyday life of small-scale fishers shows that gear diversification, changing fishing gear over a lifetime and practical knowledge to access good fishing grounds in the rich coastal waters are the main livelihood strategies developed by fishers. Fishing practices in the coastal frontier of Berau are influenced by the Bugis habitus of patronage networks between the punggawa and the dependent fishers. An essential element in decision making of fishers is their embeddedness in political-economic patronage networks as the result of the values, interests and knowledge contestations. Livelihood trajectories of different fishers from various classes confirm that as social actors, whether rich or poor, they have the agency to search for better livelihoods."

"Pertumbuhan penggunaan internet yang begitu cepat telah mendorong lahirnya berbagai gaya hidup baru dalam kehidupan masyarakat dunia. Salah satunya adalah penggunaan media sosial. Media sosial adalah suatu media elektronik dimana para partisipannya dapat membuat, mempublikasi, mengontrol, mengkritik, menilai, dan berinteraksi dalam konten online yang memungkinkan terbentuknya berbagai interaksi seperti mengikuti (following), mengirim atau membagikan post (sharing), menyukai (liking), dan lain sebagainya. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk menganalisis pengaruh interaksi di media sosial terhadap keterikatan emosi (emotional attachment), kualitas hubungan dengan brand (brand relationship quality), serta word of mouth (WOM) dengan studi kasus pada Musisi Indie dalam negeri Indonesia, yaitu musisi berjalur independen atau non-labeled yang secara mandiri menggunakan sumber daya pribadi mulai dari produksi hingga distribusi dan pemasaran musiknya, serta memanfaatkan media sosial sebagai branding tools mereka. Desain penelitian ini merupakan penelitian konklusif-deskriptif. Responden dari penelitian ini adalah orang-orang yang menyukai karya-karya musik Musisi Indie dalam negeri, mengunjungi official account Musisi Indie favorit mereka minimal satu kali dalam waktu sebulan terakhir. Dengan menggunakan metode judgemental sampling dan snowball sampling, sebanyak 205 responden berhasil didapatkan melalui penyebaran kuesioner secara online, dengan metode pengolahan data dilakukan menggunakan Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa interaksi di media sosial di official account Musisi Indie dalam negeri mempengaruhi emotional attachment, emotional attachment mempengaruhi brand relationship quality, emotional attachment mempengaruhi word of mouth, serta brand relationship quality mempengaruhi word of mouth. Sedangkan, interaksi di media sosial tersebut tidak mempengaruhi brand relationship quality.

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The reapid growth of internet creates many new trends and lifestyle changes in worldwide society. One of them is social media usage. Social media is an electronic where participants can produce, publish, control, critique, rank, and interact with online content which allow the creation of any interaction such as following, sharing, liking, and so on.

This study was conducted to analyze the effect of social media interaction on emotional attachment, brand relationship quality, and word of mouth with case study of Local Indie musicians in Indonesia, who are independent or nonlabeled musician, using their own resources of fund and tools since the process of music production until distribution and marketing of their music, and also using social media as their branding tools.

Design of this research is a conclusivedescriptive research. The respondents are the fans of Local Indie musicians and visit the official account of their favorite Local Indie musicians at least once in the last one month. The researcher used judgemental and snowball as sampling method and got 205 respondents from online questionnaire, by using Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) for processing the data.

The result shows that social media interaction on official accounts of Local Indie musicians has effect on emotional attachment, emotional attachment has effect on brand relationship quality, emotional attachment has effect on word of mouth, and brand relationship quality has effect on word of mouth. But, social media interaction has no effect on brand relationship quality."

"Skripsi ini akan memberikan kajian terkait dinamika politik internal pada saat Jusuf Kalla memimpin Partai Golkar. Pada periode ini, lahir dua partai politik baru yaitu Partai Hanura dan Partai Gerindra yang didirikan oleh Wiranto dan Prabowo yang mempunyai hubungan erat dengan Partai Golkar. Pada masa ini, menjadi awal dari penguasaan Partai Golkar oleh para saudagar. Di sisi lain, sebagai partai pendukung pemerintah, Partai Golkar juga mengalami penurunan perolehan suara di Pemilu 2009 dibanding Pemilu 2004. Ketiadaan mekanisme manajemen konflik yang baik membuat partai ini akan selalu dibayangi perpecahan. Partai politik lain akan kembali lahir dari Partai Golkar. Setidaknya sudah ada tiga partai besar yang lahir dari Partai Golkar, yaitu Partai Demokrat, Partai Hanura dan Partai Gerindra.

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This thesis will provide the internal political dinamic in the time of Jusuf Kalla lead Golkar Party. In this period, two political parties (Hanura and Gerindra) were born established by Wiranto and Prabowo that had close relation with Golkar Party. We can say that in this time Golkar Party by merchants. Golkar party had decreased for election in 2009 if compared with 2004. The bad management of risk makes this party always be shadowed by divisions. Al least, three new parties had born by Golkar, they are Democtrat Party, Hanura Party, and Gerindra Party."

"Pasca reformasi 1998, terjadi pertambahan jumlah partai politik yang signifikan di Indonesia, diikuti juga dengan pertambahan jumlah gerakan underbow nya. Termasuk disini Kelompok Pergerakan Mahasiswa UI yang meliputi ; Kelompok Tarbiyah, Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam, dan Pergerakan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia, yang cukup dominan. Tahun 2012, terjadi fenomena calon tunggal dalam Pemira IKM UI 2012 yang mengindikasikan terjadinya dominasi oleh salah satu kelompok dalam persaingan politik yang terjadi. Penelitian ini membahas perubahan teritorial persaingan politik antar kelompok pergerakan mahasiswa di UI yang terjadi pada Tahun 2012. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan territoality (upaya menguasai wilayah) dan teritorial yang meliputi Heartland (Wilayah jantung pergerakan) dan Rimland (Wilayah gerak pergerakan) tiap-tiap kelompok. Penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif dengan analisis isi, meaning, dan life history dari perspektif spasial. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa teritorial persaingan politik didominasi oleh kelompok yang berhasil memiliki territoality lebih besar sehingga mampu menguasai teritorial heartland dan rimland lebih luas. Territoality lebih besar dapat dicapai dengan menguasai organisasi intra kampus. Teritorial persaingan politik terkuat berada di wilayah yang heartland antar kelompoknya berada di area yang sama, hal ini terjadi di wilayah Fakultas Hukum (FH). Pemira 2012 menghasilkan fakta bahwa kemenangannya masih didominasi oleh salah satu kelompok sehingga membuat perubahan teritorial persaingan yang terjadi tergolong rendah. Hal ini berdampak terhadap dua kelompok lainnya yang mengalami stagnasi sehingga menyebabkan pola keruangan heartland-rimland mereka tidak berubah sama sekali.

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After The Reform of 1998, there was added a significant number of political parties in Indonesia, followed by the increase of its underbow movement. Included here, Group of UI Student Movement; Tarbiyah Group, The Muslim Students Association, and The Indonesian Islamic Students Movement, which is quite dominant. In 2012, there was a phenomenon of single candidates in The Student Election of UI in 2012, which indicates domination by one group in a political competition going on. This study discusses the territotial change of political competition among a group of UI students movement that occurred in 2012. By using the approach territoality (effort control of the territory) and territories that include Heartland (area of main movement) and Rimland (regional motion movement) of each group. This study use qualitative method whose content, meaning, and life history analysis with a spatial perspective. The results showed that the territorial of political competition is dominated by the groups which have a greater territoality so as to master the wider territorial heartland and rimland. Greater territoality can be achieved with master intra-campus organization. The territorial of strongest political competition is located in region whose each of group's heartland areas are in the same area, this is the case in the Faculty of Law (FH). UI Student Election 2012 resulted in the fact that the victory is still dominated by one group, it makes the territotial change of political competition is going low. This has implications for the other two groups that have stagnated, causing spatial patterns of their heartland-Rimland have not changed at all."