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"Following Heonik Kwon, this article explores the social and cultural underpinnings of the Cold War (and Cambodia’s stance of neutrality in relation to it) as illustrated through the life of a colorful Cambodian monk, Dharmawara Mahathera. Long resident in India, Dharmawara became a confidant of Norodom Sihanouk as the latter negotiated independence and Cambodia’s new geopolitical realities. Dharmawara was one point of connection between Sihanouk and India at the time Sihanouk was drawn to a position of neutrality and to the Non-Aligned Movement associated with Jawaharlal Nehru and Zhou Enlai, and his story illuminates some of the cultural interface underlying the politics. He would assume a profile in emerging institutions of international Buddhism, such as the World Fellowship of Buddhists, which in their own way related to developing geopolitics. He subsequently attracted the attention of American diplomats in Cambodia in ways that illustrate something of how the Cold War came to be negotiated on the ground. His tensions with the Cambodian monastic hierarchy help us better understand the latter’s role at a historical conjuncture. I argue that Dharmawara helps us understand Sihanouk’s emerging philosophy of “Buddhist socialism.”"

"ABSTRAKFinding distinguishing characteristics of Southeast Asia has proven to be a significant challenge: by focusing on the encounters which primarily colonial British writers had with the region state rulers, it becomes possible to recover the early conceptualizations of regional governance. The writings of Henry Yule, Anna Leonowens, Sir George Scott, and Hugh Clifford all document the orientalist features of Western discourses because these writers at once were affected by itas they contributed to it. The discourse about royalty and rulers was central to many of the tropes associated with orientalism, but also with ornamentalism. David Cannadine has shown that ornamentalism (in which British conceptualized many imperial practices in relation to their own hierarchical conceptions of society) was as critical afeature of imperial outlook as was orientalism. The need to understand ruling elites was at the heart of the imperialist project. Tracing the ways in which colonizing powers represented the region ruling elite offers a new avenue for recognizing the affinities of the regional experience. Beyond orientalism, the paper explores questions about the representation andpresentation of authority. Understanding the conceptualizations of rulers is connected to the comprehension of social organization including representations of traditional society."

"Maritime power has been a key defining parameter of economic vitality and geostrategic power of nations. The first decade of the twenty-first century has witnessed the rise of China and India as confident economic powers pivoting on high growth rates, exponential expansion of science, technology and industrial growth."

"Southeast Asian countries are facing unstable water resource situations, experiencing high water stress as a result in their river basins, particularly around large population cities. This research has assessed basin-scale water stress by estimating the amount of water resources and water use for all river basins in Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Malaysia. A simple water stress assessment methodology using a Geographic Information System revealed the basins vulnerable to high water stress around the capital areas in all five countries. The population ratio was under high-moderate and high water stress at 29.3% in Indonesia, 41.8% in Thailand, 31.9% in the Philippines, 43.3% in Vietnam, and 19.9% in Malaysia. The results imply that large populations depend on limited water resources. The basin-scale assessment conducted in this research could be used in support of the water resources management planning at an inter-basin scale aiming to neutralize water stress."

"ABSTRACTThe aim of this research is to analyse the legal framework in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and the Philippines, and its conformity to international instnunents regarding general elections, particularly on settlement of election offences for the conduct of democratic general elections. To achieve the purpose of this study, there will be aneed to examine (i) The extent the legal framework in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines incorporated international standards on election to protect election process fiom election offences; (ii) The extent the election offences are settled through the process and through the process of election petition.It is highly important to conduct a more comprehensive research, either 'globally or regionally, to identify some problems related to settlementof election offences, either through the criminal process or through the election petition process. By means of this research, the differences and similarities ofthe legal framework as well as their strengths and weaknesses can be fotmd and some recommendations could be proposed to strengthen the system of election offence settlement.This study is a comparative study. The methodology applied in this thesis is related to the objective, namely, to analyse the legal framework of Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and the Philippines in solving election offences problems. This thesis analyses the extent to which the legal framework incorporates several intemational standards concerning elections.The primary data of this thesis are documents in the form of laws, legislation and court decisions. It is supported by other literature, such as reports, academic journals, magazines, newspapers, and books. Additionally, interviews were also conducted with several resource persons having expertise in this field. The data are analysed using a qualitative approach.The study results demonstrate that in order to prevent unwanted political influence on the election process , every country needs a legal iamework that protect general elections from all kinds of election offences, provide the right of all aggrieved parties to challenge the elections result before an independent and competent judicial body and set out the scope of available review, establish provisions conceming the effect of irregularities on the outcome of elections and provide effective and fair redress mechanism.The existing legal framework of the respective countries generally cover elements of international human right standars of election, however different on some issues, especially the coverage of election offences, the model of regulation, the effect of cellection offences on the election result, the ground of ellection petitions and the settlement procedure (in criminal process and in election petition). Some aspects of the legal framework of settlement of election offences, particulary in Indonesia, need to be improved to ensure more democratic general elections. It is extremely important for democratic country to protec its political process and protec political rights of every citizen and partics from election offerences. Without an effective and fair system, it will be very difficult tho achieve the protections as provided in International standads. The international standards provide a minimum benchmark to which all countries should aspire."

"Representasi gender dalam Hubungan Internasional menjadi gagasan yang penting untuk hadir, terlebih ketika kajian ini berupaya untuk menjadi ranah keilmuan yang bersifat gender-blind. Feminisme kemudian datang sebagai kajian yang memperlihatkan gagasan serta ruang baru yang sebelumnya tidak tersentuh pada kajian HI, yaitu kaitan antara dinamika HI dan isu perempuan, termasuk di dalamnya isu mengenai hak politik perempuan. Pada tahun 2010, kawasan Asia Tenggara hadir dengan ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Women and Children (ACWC) untuk juga dapat meneruskan ide besar dalam jaminan hak perempuan, tidak terkecuali hak politik. Sayangnya, kehadiran badan tersebut tidak serta-merta meluruhkan gagasan patriarki yang hadir bagi ranah politik perempuan di Asia Tenggara. Kajian literatur ini secara lebih jauh bertujuan untuk dapat merangkum kajian dan memberikan pencerahan baru mengenai hak politik perempuan di negara-negara Asia Tenggara. Kajian literatur ini mencakup 43 literatur yang terdiri atas buku, bab dalam buku, serta artikel jurnal. Melalui metode taksonomi, kajian literatur ini mengelompokkan literatur yang ditemukan ke dalam empat tema utama, yaitu (1) adopsi norma hak politik perempuan di negaranegara Asia Tenggara; (2) implementasi jaminan hak politik perempuan di negara-negara Asia Tenggara; (3) hambatan perempuan dalam meraih hak politik di negara-negara Asia Tenggara; serta (4) isu dalam hak politik perempuan di negara-negara Asia Tenggara. Kajian literatur ini juga berupaya untuk memetakan konsensus, perdebatan, serta kesenjangan di dalam tema kajian yang ada. Tulisan menemukan bahwa dinamika antara adopsi norma dan implementasi di dalam kebijakan merupakan suatu ranah yang cukup bergejolak di Asia Tenggara. Selain itu, tulisan juga menemukan bahwa masih diperlukan pemetaan hambatan utama agar pencarian jalan keluar yang solutif juga dapat dipetakan secara seksama. Hal serupa juga hadir pada ranah isu mengenai hak politik perempuan di Asia Tenggara yang dinilai masih belum menemukan jalan keluar.

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Gender representation in International Relations is essential, primarily when this study seeks to become a gender-blind scientific field. Feminism then emerged as a study that showed span-new ideas and spaces previously untouched in IR studies, namely the link between the dynamics of IR and women's issues, including women's political rights. In 2010, the Southeast Asian region developed the ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Women and Children (ACWC) to continue guaranteeing women’s rights, including its political sphere. Unfortunately, the presence of this body does not necessarily eradicate the patriarchal ideas that exist in the realm of women's politics in Southeast Asia. This literature review aims to summarize studies and provide new enlightenment regarding women's political rights in Southeast Asian countries. This review includes 43 pieces of books, book chapters, and journal articles. Using the taxonomy method, this literature review groups the literature found into four main themes, namely (1) adoption of women's political rights norms in Southeast Asian countries; (2) implementation of guaranteed women's political rights in Southeast Asian countries; (3) obstacles for women in achieving political rights in Southeast Asian countries; and (4) issues in women's political rights in Southeast Asian countries. This literature review also attempts to map consensus, debate, and gaps in existing study themes. The paper finds that the dynamics between norm adoption and policy implementation are volatile in Southeast Asia. Apart from that, the article also finds that mapping the main obstacles is still needed so that the search for a solution can also be mapped carefully. A similar thing is also present in issues regarding women's political rights in Southeast Asia, which still have not found a solution."

"Tesis ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kedudukan Indonesia dalam negosiasi perdagangan bebas Uni Eropa (UE) dengan negara-negara Asia Tenggara, yang dilihat dari perspektif UE. Pertanyaan pendahuluan dari penelitian ini adalah mengapa UE menegosiasikan perjanjian perdagangan bebas dengan negara-negara Asia Tenggara. Sementara itu, pertanyaan penelitian utama dari tesis ini adalah mengapa Indonesia hanya menjadi negara keenam di Asia Tenggara yang melakukan negosiasi perdagangan bebas dengan UE dan bukan yang pertama. Metode penelitian tesis ini adalah metode analisis kualitatif dengan menggunakan studi kasus, dalam hal ini negosiasi perdagangan bebas UE-Asia Tenggara. Metode pengumpulan data utama menggunakan teknik studi pustaka yang dikumpulkan dari buku, artikel, laman berita, dan laman resmi dari organisasi-organisasi terkait. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan penelitian, peneliti menggunakan teori Cross-Regionalism yang dikemukakan oleh Mireya Solís dan Saori N. Katada (2007). Faktor regional yang membuat UE melakukan perjanjian perdagangan bebas (FTA) lintas kawasan antara lain kondisi ekonomi internal yang terpuruk; kemunculan kekuatan-kekuatan ekonomi baru, terutama Tiongkok, yang menyaingi UE; kemajuan ekonomi dari keenam negara Asia Tenggara yang jauh lebih baik dari UE; kondisi perdagangan barang yang tidak menguntungkan dengan ASEAN; dan kebijakan politik UE. FTA lintas kawasan merupakan upaya UE untuk memperbaiki kondisi perekonomiannya, mencegah terjadinya pengalihan perdagangan (trade diversion), dan menjadi kekuatan normatif. Faktor regional yang menyebabkan Indonesia tidak menjadi prioritas bagi UE adalah kondisi ekonomi Indonesia yang tidak lebih baik dari Singapura, Malaysia, Vietnam, Thailand, dan Filipina; hubungan ekonomi UE-Indonesia yang menurun; isu-isu keberlanjutan (sustainability); dan minimnya hubungan UE-Indonesia. Kemudian, motif yang memengaruhi UE untuk melakukan FTA lintas kawasan adalah motif pengaruh (leverage), yaitu untuk mempromosikan nilai-nilai UE, sehingga terbentuk like-minded countries. Motif ekonomi dan motif pengaruh (leverage) merupakan alasan yang menyebabkan Indonesia tidak menjadi mitra negosiasi FTA bilateral pertama dan hanya yang keenam. Tampaknya kedua alasan ini memengaruhi UE dalam penentuan mitra FTA, sedangkan motif keamanan dan diplomasi tidak memengaruhinya. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa motif keamanan dan diplomasi (politik) diabaikan oleh UE. Dalam memilih mitra FTA, nilai-nilai yang diusung UE kalah ketika berhadapan dengan kepentingan ekonominya.

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This thesis aims to analyze Indonesia's position in the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations between the European Union (EU) and Southeast Asian countries as seen from the EU's perspective. The preliminary question of this thesis is why the EU negotiated FTAs with Southeast Asian countries. Meanwhile, the primary research question is why Indonesia became the sixth country in Southeast Asia to negotiate a bilateral FTA with the EU instead of the first. The research method of this thesis is a qualitative analysis using a case study, which is the EU-Southeast Asia FTA negotiations. The majority of the data collected in this thesis is collected from books, articles, news pages, and official pages from related organizations. To answer the research question, the researcher uses Cross-Regionalism theory put forward by Mireya Solís and Saori N. Katada (2007). Regional factors that have led the EU to conduct cross-regional FTA ​​are internal economic slump; the emergence of new economic powers, notably China, that rival the EU; economic improvement of the six Southeast Asian countries which is much better than the EU; unfavorable trade in goods with ASEAN; and EU political policy. Cross-regional FTA is EU's effort to improve its economic condition, prevent trade diversion, and become a normative power. Regional factors that have caused Indonesia not to become a priority for the EU are Indonesia's economic condition that was no better than Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, Thailand, and the Philippines; the decline of EU-Indonesia economic relation; sustainability issues; and the lack of EU-Indonesia relation. Furthermore, the motive that influences the EU to conduct cross-regional FTA ​​is leverage motive, namely to promote EU values, so that like-minded countries are formed. Economic motive and leverage motive were the reasons why Indonesia was not the first and only the sixth bilateral FTA negotiating partner. It seems that both of these reasons influenced the EU in determining its FTA partners, while security and diplomacy motives did not influence the EU. This shows that security and diplomacy (politics) motives were disregarded by the EU. In choosing FTA partners, the values promoted by the EU lose out when it comes to its economic interests."