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"The Chinese in Indonesia have historically constituted a distinct, if small, ethnic minority amongst the population as a whole. Many of the trading and middleman functions in the Indonesian economy have been per-formed by members of this minority. This fact has aroused hostility to the Chinese, particularly among their Indonesian business competitors. Although many Chinese have been profoundly influenced by Indonesian cul¬ture, they have as a group continued to be sensed by Indonesians as alien even in the case of those who have become Indonesian citizens. Dutch col¬onial policies had the effect of keeping Chinese and Indonesians as sep¬arate groups. The gap between them was widened early in this century by the growth Sf nationalist sentiment among both Chinese and Indonesians. The achievement of national independence by the Indonesian elite brought about a prolonged crisis of identity for the Indonesian Chinese. Over the course of the next two decades, many issues of basic importance to them came into contention. These included their claims to Indonesian citizenship, the kinds of education to which their children could have ac¬cess, their retention of a separate social and cultural identity, and the defence of Chinese economic interests. Their situation was complicated by the emergence of China as a major power under a communist government, which made their political loyalties doubly suspect in the eyes of anti-communist Indonesians. As a small but relatively wealthy ethnic minority which has been ex-posed for a long time to anti-Chinese prejudice on the part of many Indo¬nesians, the Indonesian Chinese have characteristically been compelled (given the powerlessness of China to protect them) to seek an accommodation"

"Pemilu 2009 merupakan momentum kebangkitan warga Tionghoa Bangka Belitung, dan Indonesia Umumnya untuk berpartisipasi aktif dalam politik. Fenomena ini ditunjukkan dengan terpilihnya 4 (empat) politisi Etnis Tionghoa Dapil Bangka Belitung sebagai anggota DPR dan DPD RI. Mereka adalah Rudianto Tjen, Basuki Tjahja Purnama, Telli Gozeli dan Bahar Buasan. Keterpilihan mereka memperkaya wacana politik pemilihan umum yang lebih mengedepankan politik primordialis, sosiologis dan tradisional menjadi pilihan rasional.Sebagai pijakan teoritis, penelitian ini menggunakan teori demokrasi dari Samuel Huntington, Robert Dahl, Karl jaspers dan Afan Gaffar, teori etnis dan politik etnis dari Erikson, Max Weber dan Martin N. Marger, teori sistem pemilu dari Arend Lijphart dan Ramlan Surbakti, teori rational choice dari Guido Pincione dan Fernando R Teson, dan teori jejaring sosial ekonomi dari Wolf dan Granovetter. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, sedangkan teknik analisis data menggunakan deskriptif analitis. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan mengumpulkan data-data administratif KPUD Provinsi Kepulauan Bangka Belitung dan BPS Provinsi Kepulauan Bangka Belitung serta dari Kementrian Dalam Negeri. Penelitian ini juga melakukan wawancara mendalam dengan enam narasumber kompeten, yakni Bapak DR. Yusron Ihza, Bapak Telli Gozelli, S.E., Anggota DPD RI Periode 2009 – 2014, Bapak Ir. Bahar Buasan, Anggota DPD RI Periode 2009 – 2014, Bapak Ayie Gardiansyah, Ketua PSMTI Kabupaten Belitung, Bapak Muhammad Munzir, Ketua Tim Pemenangan Telli Gozeli, Bapak Wahyu Effendy, S.E., Tokoh Pemuda Tionghoa Asal Bangka Belitung dan Bapak Johan Wijaya, Tokoh Muda TionghoaTemuan di lapangan menunjukkan keterpilihan politisi Tionghoa Bangka Belitung berlangsung secara demokratis. Dalam konteks ini, politik etnis di tingkat lokal ditunjukkan dengan terpilihnya empat politisi Tionghoa Bangka Belitung sebagai anggota DPR dan DPD RI periode 2009-2014 meski etnis Melayu dan Islam dominan. Keterpilihan mereka karena adanya penguatan dari basis sosial politik dan ditunjang oleh basis sosial ekonomi karena latar belakang mereka adalah pengusaha. Implikasi teoritis menunjukkan adanya kesamaan hak (equal rights) untuk berpartisipasi di politik secara aktif, demokratis dan rasional sebagaimana pendapat Karl Jaspers, Guido Pincione dan Fernando R Teson. Sementara konstelasi politik etnis cenderung semakin menguat sebagai bentuk dari persamaan perjuangan dan harapan Etnis Tionghoa akan terakomodasinya hak-hak politik mereka.

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2009 Election is the momentum of the rise of Chinese citizens in Bangka Belitung, and in Indonesia generally, to actively participate in politics. This phenomenon is shown by the electability of 4 (four) Chinese Ethnic politicians in Bangka Belitung voting region as the members of Indonesian Republic Parliament and Regional Parliament. They are Rudianto Tjen, Basuki Tjahja Purnama, Telli Gozeli and Bahar Buasan. Their electability enriches political discourse on general election which emphasizes primordiality, sociological and traditional politics to turn into rational choice.

As theoretical basis, this study used democracy theory by Samuel Huntington, Robert Dahl, Karl Jaspers and Afan Gaffar, ethnic theory and ethnic politics by Erikson, Max Weber and Martin N. Marger, election system theory by Arend Lijphart and Ramlan Surbakti, rational choice theory by Guido Pincione and Fernando R Teson and economic social networks theory by Wolf and Granovetter. The study used qualitative method, while the data analysis technique used descriptive analysis. The data collecting technique was done by collecting administrative data from Regional Election Commission (KPUD) of Bangka Belitung Island Province and Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) of Bangka Belitung Island Province as well as Domestic Affair Ministry. The study also conducted in-depth interviews with seven competent informants, they are; Dr. Yusron Ihza, Bangka Belitung people’s Figure, Telli Gozelli, SE, an Indonesian Republic Parliament and Regional Parliament member in the Period of 2009 - 2014, Ir. Bahar Buasan, an Indonesian Regional Parliament member in the Period of 2009 - 2014, Ayie Gardiansyah, the Chief of PSMTI in Belitung Regency, Muhammad Munzir, the campaign team leader of Telli Gozeli, Mr.Wahyu Effendy, SE, a Chinese Youth Leader originated from Bangka Belitung Island and Mr. Johan Wijaya, a Chinese Young Figure.

The finding on the field shows that the electability of the Chinese politicians happened democratically. In this context, ethnic politics at local level is indicated by the elected four Bangka Belitung Chinese politicians as the members of Indonesian Republic Parliament and Regional Parliament in the period of 2009-2014, despite the dominant Malays and Moslem ethnics. Their electability is due to the social political basic strengthening and it is supported by socio-economic basic because their backgrounds are businessmen. Theoretical implication indicates that there are equal rights to participate in politics actively, democratically and rationally as stated by Karl Jaspers, Guido Pincione and Fernando R Teson. In the meantime, ethnic political constellation tends to be stronger as a form of Chinese Ethnic struggle for equation and their hope on the accommodation of their political rights."

"Partisipasi politik etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia diredam selama Orde Baru. Populasi mereka tetap kecil di era Reformasi (setelah tahun 1998) dan berada di bawah ambang batas bawah DPR RI sebesar 4 persen. Representasi politik etnis Tionghoa diwujudkan melalui partai – partai mapan, seperti PDI-P yang bukan partai khusus orang Tionghoa. Satu alternatif etnis Tionghoa memajukan kepentingan mereka adalah melalui PSMTI. Melalui penelitian kualitatif, metode wawancara mendalam dan kerangka teori partisipasi politik Powers et. al (2016) dan pola pergerakan organisasi Tionghoa Tanasaldy (2015), penelitian ini fokus pada peran anggota PSMTI mendorong representasi politik komunitas Tionghoa melalui dukungan pada anggotanya yang menjadi caleg Pemilihan Legislatif DPRD DKI Jakarta 2019. Penelitian ini menemukan peran anggota PSMTI terbatas dukungan personal terhadap sesama berbasis kedekatan pribadi dalam bentuk dana kampanye, dukungan suara, dan menjadi relawan kampanye. Hal ini terjadi akibat larangan PSMTI terlibat politik praktis yang tercantum dalam AD/ART, yang penerapannya rancu oleh PSMTI. Di sisi lain, partai pengusung dan komunitas Tionghoa berbasis daerah memainkan peran terpenting dalam kandidasi pemenang kursi DPRD DKI Jakarta. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa PSMTI sebagai organisasi Tionghoa terhambat dalam mendorong representasi politik caleg Tionghoa dengan tidak tersedianya wadah diskusi politik bersama anggota PSMTI, terutama menjelang pemilu. Berbeda dari teori partisipasi politik yang ada, penelitian ini menggaris bawahi peran politik PSMTI yang memformalisasikan hubungan mereka dengan pejabat partai melalui jabatan sebagai pengurus maupun anggota dewan yang sah menurut AD/ART.

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Political participation of Chinese – Indonesians was muted during the New Order. Their population has remained below Indonesia's parliamentary threshold of 4 per cent since the Reformation Era (post – 1998). Political representation of ethnic Chinese is realized through established parties like PDI-P, a party not dedicated to them. One alternative for ethnic Chinese to advance their interests is through PSMTI. Through qualitative research, in-depth interviews, the theories of political participation (Powers et al., 2016) and the movement patterns of Chinese organizations (Tanasaldy, 2015), this study focuses on the role PSMTI members play in encouraging political representation of ethnic Chinese through support for their members who are candidates in the 2019 DKI Jakarta DPRD Election. This research finds that PSMTI members’ support is limited by personal closeness in the form of campaign funds, voting support, and becoming campaign volunteers. This situation is due to PSMTI's abstention from practical politics as stated in their constitution but ambiguous in implementation. Meanwhile, political parties and regional ethnic Chinese communities play the most critical roles in the elicitabilities of DPRD DKI Jakarta winners. This study finds that PSMTI, as a Chinese community organization, faces a challenge in encouraging political representation of Chinese candidates through the availability of political discussion forums with PSMTI members significantly ahead of elections. In contrast with existing political participation theory, this study illuminates PSMTI’s political role in formalizing their relationship with party officials through administrator or board member positions legal according to their constitution. "

"Since the abrogration of presidential instruction number 14/1967 which banned chinese customs celebration and religion in public, there has been arevival in chinee festivals, language, art, media, culture and not in the least in the field of architecture and urban planning. With increasing interest in heritage and the support of the Indonesian goverment for heritage cities programees, sevral promising initiativies involving Chinese architecture have been launched in cities both large and small. A brief glance of the history of Chinese Indonesian architecture is given, as well as some recnet initiatives in selected cities olus a discussion of the importance of public space in accomanodating Chinese-festivals. Study of old maps and photograps prompts reflection on the characteristic and development of pecinan during the colonial era and of their later history. The analysis in this article and examples of recand developments in the citiess discussed can be used as an inpiration in the revitalization of pecinan, thereby contributing in a attracive andliveble urban environment."