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"Dampak merugikan dari konflik internal yang terjadi setelah berakhirnya Perang Dingin memunculkan pandangan internasional bahwa keterbelakangan pembangunan menjadi ancaman keamanan baru bagi dunia internasional. Pandangan ini membangkitkan kesadaran komunitas internasional untuk melakukan intervensi ke negara-negara pasca konflik melalui aktivitas peacebuilding serta rekonstruksi ekonomi dan sosial yang mendasar dalam rangka mencapai stabilitas internasional dan membangun perdamaian liberal. Hasil temuan memperlihatkan bahwa sebagian besar kegiatan peacebuilding dan rekonstruksi cenderung tidak efektif untuk menciptakan perdamaian dan pembangunan ekonomi di negara-negara pasca konflik. Paham politik liberal dan paham pembangunan ekonomi neoliberal yang dijadikan pedoman dalam berbagai aktivitas intervensi pasca konflik diyakini menjadi salah satu penyebab utama kurang efektifnya aktivitas peacebuilding dan rekonstruksi pasca konflik.

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Devastating impact of post Cold War intra-state conflicts have generated international opinion that underdevelopment could form a new security threat to international societies. This view has raised awareness of international community to perform post conflict interventions through peace-building and fundamental economic and social reconstruction in order to create international stability as well as liberal peace. The findings show that majority of peacebuilding and reconstruction activities are ineffective to create peace and economic development in post conflict countries. Liberal political paradigm and neoliberal development paradigm that guide post conflict intervention activities have caused ineffectiveness of peacebuilding and post conflict reconstruction."

"This article discusses to what extent, of at all, the concerns embodied in the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda take priority over respect for patriachal local customs and institutions when undertaking Post-Conflict Peace Building (PCPB) missions in fragile states. It argues that the concerns embodied in WPS agenda should take priority over respect for patriachal local customs and institutions to the extent that it addresses three challenges: (1) interntional interventions; (2) the separation of dimension in "silos"; and (3) the women oriented bias. This article looks at three perspectives to answer the challenges. The first is the Feminist Hybridity Perspevtives's arguments that emphasize the collaboration of international capacities and local knowledge in prioritizing the international intervention. The second is the Feminist Political Economy Perspective's arguments that suggest an integrated approach between political security dimension and socio-economic dimension to tackle the challenge of incomprehensive approach due to separation between the two during the PCPB missions. The third is the gender as national interest perspective that provides a basis for the continuation of the discourse on the WPS Agenda by nation-states in order to answer the challenge of the women-orianted bias."

"Reformasi sektor keamanan menjadi fokus penting bagi pembangunan jangka panjang Timor-Leste. Tulisan ini mengeksplorasi tantangan kegagalan PBB dalam menginisiasi SSR di Timor-Leste periode 2000-2006. UNTAET dengan mandat yang luas menginisiasi proses SSR di Timor-Leste pada awal mandatnya. Pembentukan sektor keamanan menjadi bagian penting yang harus dikerjakan, termasuk pembentukan institusi pertahanan dan keamanan. Misi berikutnya UNMISET juga dibekali dengan mandat eksekutif terhadap PNTL. Sayangnya dengan mandat yang luas, PBB gagal dalam menciptakan sektor keamanan yang dapat menjamin keamanan setiap individu di negara baru tersebut. Oleh karena itu, dalam penelitian ini akan disajikan dalam enam bagian penting guna , antara lain, efektivitas kinerja dan kekuatan institusi keamanan, manajemen dan pengawasan, hubungan dengan masyarakat, keberlanjutan penyelenggaraan sektor keamanan, dan yang terakhir Disarmament, Demobilisation dan Reintegration (DDR). Dari analisis tersebut, terungkap bahwa upaya reformasi sektor keamanan tidak hanya memerlukan pendekatan teknis, tetapi juga perlunya penanganan terhadap isu-isu politik dan sosial yang kompleks. Rekomendasi diberikan untuk pemerintah Timor-Leste, termasuk perlunya fokus pada pembangunan institusi yang akuntabel dan transparan, serta penggalangan dukungan internasional untuk mendukung upaya reformasi. Dalam konteks ini, kerja sama yang erat antara Timor-Leste dan Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa menjadi kunci untuk mencapai tujuan keamanan yang berkelanjutan dan stabil di masa depan.

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SSR is an important focus for Timor-Leste's long-term development. This paper explores the challenges of the UN's failure to initiate SSR in Timor-Leste from 2000-2006. UNTAET with a broad mandate initiated the SSR process in Timor-Leste at the beginning of its mandate. The establishment of the security sector became an important part to be done, including the establishment of defense and security institutions. The subsequent mission UNMISET was also equipped with an executive mandate towards PNTL. Unfortunately, with such a broad mandate, the UN failed to create a security sector that could guarantee the security of every individual in the new country. Therefore, this research will be presented in six key sections in order to examine, among others, the effectiveness of the performance and strength of security institutions, management and oversight, community relations, the sustainability of security sector operations, and finally Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR). The analysis revealed that security sector reform efforts require not only a technical approach, but also need to address complex political and social issues. Recommendations were made for the government of Timor-Leste, including the need to focus on building accountable and transparent institutions, and mobilizing international support for reform efforts. In this context, close cooperation between Timor-Leste and the United Nations is key to achieving the goal of sustainable and stable security in the future. "

"Although the Indonesia economy grew very rapidly averaging over 7% per annum during the three decades of the Soeharto era, it suffered a severe setbac with the onset of the Asian crisis in 1997-98 and has been unable to achieve similar growth rates on a sustained basis subsequently. ..."

"Theory and Practice of Public Sector Reform offers readers differing theoretical perspectives to help examine the process of public sector reform, combined with an overview of major trends in the core areas of the functioning of the public sector. The book consists of three parts, the first addresses a number of conceptual and theoretical perspectives on public sector reform. It shows how different ways of looking at reform reveal very different things. The second part addresses major changes in specific areas of public sectors – 'objects of reform.’ Part three focuses on the study of public sector reform.Aimed at academics, researchers and advanced students; this edited collection brings together many of the most eminent academics in the area of Public Policy and Management seeking to link to theory in part one and insights into specific thematic areas in part two, offering readers a display of theoretical perspectives to look at public sector reform."