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"This thesis examines the normalization of China-Indonesia?s diplomatic relations in order to understand China?s main motivation. The ?micro-macro linkage? approach is used to uphold the empirical evidence that is enhanced by the mianzi concept. In Chinese culture, mianzi consists of honourable values and meanings. The result of this research shows that the changes in China?s foreign policy priority have been caused by the demise of the socialist power in the late 1980s and the Tiananmen incident in 1989. Threat to China?s sovereignty and unity has been the basis of the priority to keep the country?s honour and existence. The term baoquan mianzi is used in this matter. It means using the whole potential of the Chinese people to defend the country?s honour. The People's Republic of China?s international image and glory need to be restored. The normalization of diplomatic relations has proven to be part of baoquan mianzi effort and has given China a big opportunity to participate in regional and global forums."

"I feel greatly honored to share this table with such important personages?but also a bit in timid a led. Indeed, I feel as though they are the professors and 1 am the student, I get the best of the bargain, however, as I will undoubtedly receive more knowledge than T impart.Indonesia's great humanist. Soedjatmoko, one of the wisest men I have ever met, made two observations that impressed me deeply. The first - fear is an important and dangerous com pan ion -- is reflected in the title of the hook we are discussing today. The second was "I like Americans better when they are less sure of themselves. "I would like to share with you today some thoughts on the influence of these words on the book.But first. Twill like to give you some background on the intended purpose of the hook. It is not meant to be a history text book for scholars, although a few tell me they have read it and enjoyed it. No serious scholar would attempt to cover 50 years of two large societies in 300 pages. Indeed, at least one good book has already been published on events covered in each chapter of this book."

"I have used as my sources today to talk about the American perspective on the PRRI/Permesta rebellion two books that have come out fairly recently. One is Paul Gardnere's book, Shared Hopes, Separate Fears: a history of 50 years of United States-Indonesia relations, which was published under the auspices of the United States-Indonesia, is here with us this morning. The other book is one done by my own professor at Cornell University, George Kahin, together eith his wife, Audrey, which has the very catchy title of Subversion as foreign policy."

"ABSTRAKTesis ini menjabarkan mengenai motivasi keterlibatan Selandia Baru dalam kerangka Agreement between New Zealand and the Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu , Kinmen, and Matsu ANZTEC . ANZTEC merupakan suatu bentuk Free Trade Agreement FTA yang terjalin di antara Selandia Baru dan Taiwan pada akhir tahun 2013. ANZTEC merupakan sebuah kerangka kerjasama yang berfungsi untuk menuntun kedua negara tersebut di dalam melaksanakan aktivitas perdagangan demi mencapai kepentingan kedua negara. Di satu sisi, ANZTEC merupakansebuah peluang bagi Selandia Baru untuk memaksimalkan hubungan dan potensi ekonominya dengan Taiwan. Pada sisi lain, keterlibatan Selandia Baru di dalam ANZTEC bertentangan dengan komitmen One China Policy, setelah mereka mengadakan hubungan diplomatik dengan Tiongkok. Untuk menggali motif Selandia Baru di dalam ANZTEC, penulis menggunakan teori FTA milik Solis dan Katada, yang menyebutkan bahwa motif FTA terbagi atas tiga hal, ekonomi, keamanan, dan leverage. Dalam penelitian ini, ditemukan bahwa Selandia Baru memiliki motif ekonomi, politik, serta leverage terhadap Taiwan di dalam kerangka FTA ini.

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ABSTRACTThis thesis explores the motivation of New Zealand in the Agreement between New Zealand and the Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu , Kinmen, and Matsu ANZTEC . ANZTEC is a form of Free Trade Agreement FTA , agreed by New Zealand and Taiwan by the end of 2013. ANZTEC is a framework that serves as an instrument to help both parties to achieve their interests. On the one hand, New Zealand sees this framework as an opportunity to maximize their economic relations and potential with Taiwan. On the other hand, New Zealand rsquo s involvement in ANZTEC is in contradiction to its commitment to One China Policy, in which New Zealand is committed to a diplomatic relationship with the People rsquo s Republic of China, but not with Taiwan. To delve into New Zealand rsquo s motives in ANZTEC, I will use FTA theory by Solis and Katada, which states that an FTA motives consists of three factors, economic, security, and leverage. In this study, it is evident that New Zealand had economic, political, as well as leverage motives against Taiwan within the framework of this cooperation."

"Sejak awal pendiriannya di tahun 1948, Israel memiliki hubungan yang konfliktual dengan negara-negara Arab. Hal tersebut berkaitan dengan didirikannya negara tersebut pada wilayah bangsa Arab, yakni Palestina. Kondisi tersebut akhirnya memantik munculnya berbagai isu keamanan di antara Israel dan negara-negara Arab. Ketegangan tersebut terus berlanjut hingga Liga Arab menyodorkan proposal Inisiatif Perdamaian Arab (IPA) di tahun 2002. Proposal tersebut memuat prasyarat-prasyarat yang harus dipenuhi Israel sebelum dapat menormalisasikan hubungannya dengan negara Arab. Di tahun 2020, UEA selaku negara yang turut menandatangani IPA secara mengejutkan menormalisasikan hubungan diplomatiknya dengan Israel melalui Abraham Accords (AA), meski Israel belum memenuhi prasyarat yang tertulis dalam IPA. Dari permasalahan di atas, tulisan ini akan mengupas faktor-faktor yang mendorong UEA untuk mengambil kebijakan demikian. Dengan menggunakan analisis Realisme Neoklasik, penelitian ini berargumen bahwa terdapat dorongan struktural yang kemudian diterjemahkan melalui kondisi domestik UEA, sehingga mendorong terjadinya pengambilan keputusan normalisasi dengan Israel. Tekanan struktural menciptakan kebutuhan bagi UEA untuk berkoalisi dengan Israel selaku sekutu AS, untuk mengamankan diri dari ancaman Iran. Sedangkan kondisi domestik akan memperlihatkan kapasitas rezim MBZ dalam merespons stimulus eksternal. Melalui pertimbangan faktor-faktor di atas, keputusan UEA dapat dilihat sebagai upaya bandwagoning untuk mendapatkan keuntungan berupa insentif ekonomi dan militer dari koalisi AS.

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Since its establishment in 1948, Israel has had conflicting relations with Arab countries. This is related to the formation of the state on the territory of the Arab nation, namely Palestine. This condition finally sparked the emergence of various security issues between Israel and Arab countries. These tensions continued until the Arab League presented the Arab Peace Initiative (API) proposal in 2002. The proposal contained prerequisites that Israel had to meet before it could normalize its relations with Arab states. In 2020, the UAE as a signatory to the IPA surprisingly normalized its diplomatic relations with Israel through the Abraham Accords (AA), even though Israel has not yet met the prerequisites written in the IPA. From the problems above, this paper will explore the factors that encourage the UAE to take such a policy. By using Neoclassical Realism analysis, this research argues that there is a structural impetus which is then translated through the UAE's domestic conditions, thus encouraging normalization decision making with Israel. The structural pressures create the need for the UAE to form a coalition with Israel as an ally of the US, to secure itself from the Iranian threat. Meanwhile, domestic conditions will capture the regime capacity to respond structural stimulus. By considering the above factors, the UAE's decision can be seen as a bandwagoning effort to gain economic and military incentives from the US coalition."

"Summary: Présentation de l'éditeur : "The 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations has for over 50 years been central to diplomacy and applied to all forms of relations among sovereign States. Participation is almost universal. The rules giving special protection to ambassadors are the oldest established in international law and the Convention is respected almost everywhere. But understanding it as a living instrument requires knowledge of its background in customary international law, of the negotiating history which clarifies many of its terms and the subsequent practice of states and decisions of national courts which have resolved other ambiguities. Diplomatic Law provides this in-depth Commentary. The book is an essential guide to changing methods of modern diplomacy and shows how challenges to its regime of special protection for embassies and diplomats have been met and resolved. It is used by ministries of foreign affairs and cited by domestic courts world-wide. The book analyzes the reasons for the widespread observance of the Convention rules and why in the special case of communications - where there is flagrant violation of their special status - these reasons do not apply. It describes how abuse has been controlled and how the immunities in the Convention have survived onslaught by those claiming that they should give way to conflicting entitlements to access to justice and the desire to punish violators of human rights. It describes how the duty of diplomats not to interfere in the internal affairs of the host State is being narrowed in the face of the communal international responsibility to monitor and uphold human rights.""