Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"Pemilu Provinsi Belanda 2019 dimenangkan oleh Forum voor Democratie (FvD) yang baru terbentuk pada 2016. Partai populis kanan tersebut memperoleh suara terbesar secara nasional dan memenangkan pemilu di Flevoland, Noord-Holland, dan Zuid-Holland. Meskipun demikian, FvD cenderung bergabung dengan koalisi oposisi daripada pemerintah di Dewan Provinsi (Provinciale Staten). FvD bergabung dengan oposisi di 11 dari 12 provinsi Belanda, termasuk di tiga provinsi yang mereka menangkan. Namun, FvD justru bergabung dengan pemerintah di Provinsi Limburg yang tidak dimenangkannya. Menggunakan konsep populisme serta teori populisme dan administrasi publik oleh Peters & Pierre (2019), skripsi ini menemukan bahwa bergabungnya FvD dengan oposisi di provinsi-provinsi yang dimenangkannya disebabkan dua faktor. Pertama, partai-partai pemain lama enggan berkoalisi dengan FvD karena perbedaan pandangan politik serta narasi-narasi FvD nasional yang kontroversial. Kedua, FvD provinsi enggan mengkompromikan rencana kebijakannya serta tidak bersedia menjauhkan diri dari narasi-narasi FvD nasional. Di Provinsi Limburg, FvD dapat bergabung dengan koalisi pemerintah karena partai populis kanan PVV juga memperoleh suara besar. Hal ini menyebabkan partai-partai tengah-kiri tidak dapat membentuk pemerintahan dengan mengeksklusikan FvD dan PVV. Temuan penting lainnya adalah narasi anti imigran FvD diterima di Flevoland, Noord-Holland, dan Zuid-Holland yang memiliki populasi imigran tinggi. FvD dan PVV memperoleh suara besar di Provinsi Limburg yang cenderung homogen dan memiliki persepsi tinggi atas identitas regional.

---

The 2019 Dutch Provincial Elections was won by Forum voor Democratie (FvD), a newly-formed party from 2016. Nationally, the right-populist party gained the largest votes share and won the election in Flevoland, Noord-Holland, and Zuid-Holland. However, FvD tends to join the opposition rather than government coalitions in the Provincial Council (Provinciale Staten). FvD joined the opposition in 11 out of 12 Dutch provinces, including among the three they won after. However, FvD joined the government in Limburg Province which they did not win. Using the concept of populism along with theory of populism and public administration by Peters & Pierre (2019), this thesis finds that there are two reason which motivated FvD to join the opposition in 11 provinces. Firstly, incumbent parties are reluctant to form a coalition with the FvD. This is rooted in political differences and FvD's nationally controversial narratives. Secondly, FvD’s reluctance at the provincial level to compromise its policy plans. They are also unwilling to distance themselves from the national FvD’s narratives. In Limburg Province, however, the FvD was able to join the government coalition due to PVV, a right-wing populist party that also gained a large vote. This caused the center-left parties unable to form a government by excluding FvD and PVV. Another important finding is FvD's anti-immigrant narratives were accepted in Flevoland, Noord-Holland, and Zuid-Holland which have high population of immigrants. FvD and PVV gain a large vote in the homogenous Limburg Province which has a high perception of regional identity."

"The main objective of this study is to analyze three major Indonesian Muslim responses to the Pancasila, the state ideology of Indonesia. The first Muslim response occurred when the Secular Nationalists proposed, shortly before Indonesia's independence in 1945 and again later in the Constituent Assembly debates (1956-1959), that the Pancasila be the basis of state. The second Muslim response to the Pancasila took place in 1978 when the New Order government proposed that the P 4 (Guidelines for Understanding and Practicing the Pancasila) be legalized. The Muslims at first objected to both the proposal of the Pancasila as the foundation of the state and that of the P 4, but finally acquiesced. Each stage in this process was marked by debate over the role of Islam in Indonesian society and politics, which often led to antagonism between the government and the Muslim community. When the government proposed in 1982 that the Pancasila serve as the sole basis for all political and mass organizations, the third Muslim response occurred. The Muslims' acceptance of this policy marked the end of the government's application of severe policies towards them and has resulted in the former being allowed to play an even greater role in Indonesian politics than had previously been the case."