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"Revolusi yang terjadi di Mesir tahun 2011 membawa gelombang demokratisasi di Mesir. Hal ini juga memberikan kesempatan bagi kelompok Ikhwanul Muslimin yang selama ini direpresi oleh pemerintah untuk tampil dalam politik melalui partainya Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). Melalui pemilu 2012, FJP mampu memperoleh suara hingga 45 persen dan kandidat presidennya Muhammad Mursi terpilih menjadi presiden dengan perolehan suara sebesar 51,7 persen. Namun sayangnya demokratisasi yang terjadi di Mesir hanya berlangsung sesaat. Pada tanggal 3 Juli 2013 militer melakukan kudeta terhadap Mursi. Kudeta yang terjadi di Mesir merupakan bentuk dari lemahnya kontrol sipil terhadap militer. Mursi gagal melakukan kontrol terhadap militer sehingga ia tidak bisa mencegah tindakan militer yang menurunkannya secara paksa melalui jalan kudeta. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui faktor-faktor apa yang mempengaruhi hubungan sipil militer di masa kepemimpinan Mursi dan bagaimana faktor-faktor tersebut menyebabkan lemahnya kontrol sipil terhadap militer sehingga menyebabkan terjadi kudeta militer. Penelitian ini menggunakan beberapa teori, diantaranya adalah teori hubungan sipil militer, teori tentara pretorian, teori kudeta dan teori kepentingan internasional. Dalam tesis ini penulis menguraikan mengenai faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi kegagalan kontrol sipil terhadap militer sehingga menimbulkan kudeta. Faktor-faktor tersebut adalah; 1) Tipikal militer Mesir yang merupakan tentara pretorian dan doktrin yang dianut militer. 2) Kepentingan dan intervensi negara-negara asing terhadap Mesir. 3) Fragmentasi kelompok sipil di Mesir yang bersifat fratricidal (saling menjatuhkan).

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The revolution that occurred in Egypt in 2011 brought a wave of democratization in Egypt. It also provided an opportunity for the Muslim Brotherhood, which had been repressed by the government, to perform in politics through its political wing, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). Through the 2012 elections, the FJP was able to acquire up to 45 percent voice and its presidential candidate, Mohammed Mursi was elected president by a vote of 51.7 percent.

But unfortunately democratization in Egypt only lasted a moment. On July 3, 2013 the military staged a coup against Mursi. The coup happened in Egypt was a form of weak civilian control over the military. Mursi failed to exercise control over the military so a military coup was inevitable, forcing him into detention.

This study aims to determine the factors that affect civil-military relations during Mursi‟s administration and how these factors lead to lack of civilian control over the military that led to a military coup. This study uses several theories, including the theory of civil-military relations, theory of praetorian army, coup theory and theory of international interest.

In this thesis, the author outlines the factors affecting the failure of civilian control over the military, giving rise to a coup. These factors are; 1) Egypt praetorian military and the doctrine it adopted. 2) The interest and intervention of foreign countries on Egypt. 3) Fragmentation of civil groups in Egypt who are fratricidal, each against other."

"ABSTRAKKudeta militer Mesir yang terjadi pada pemerintahan Presiden Mursi pada 3 Juli 2013 cukup menyita perhatian masyarakat dunia. Mesir yang baru saja lepas dari pemerintahan diktator Husni Mubarak dan menyelenggarakan pemilu demokratis pertamanya, langsung mengalami peristiwa kudeta oleh militernya sendiri setahun kemudian. Muhammad Mursi, presiden terpilih dari partai Ikhwanul Muslimin, baru setahun menjabat sebagai presiden. Partai Ikhwanul Muslimin yang sebelumnya sangat kuat, saat ini menjadi buronan di Mesir. Berbagai faktor, baik internal maupun eksternal, memicu terjadinya kudeta ini. Faktor terbesar adalah kemunduran ekonomi Mesir dan keresahan masyarakat atas Mursi yang mengambil kebijakan-kebijakan semi-diktator. Pengaruh militer yang kuat di Mesir juga menjadi faktor yang membuat kudeta ini dapat terjadi. Selain itu, terdapat pula kemungkinan adanya intervensi Amerika Serikat yang memiliki beberapa kepentingan di Mesir dan Timur Tengah. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan metode studi pustaka. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menjelaskan latar belakang sejarah dan faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi kudeta ini.

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ABSTRACTEgypt rsquo s military coup d rsquo etat which was happened to President Mursi rsquo s government in 3rd of July 2013 immediately gained world rsquo s attention. Just released from dictator Husni Mubarak rsquo s regime for a year and held its first democratic election, Egypt suffered a coup d rsquo etat by its own military force. Muhammad Mursi, Egypt rsquo s first elected President from Islamic Brotherhood party, sat in his office for just one year. The party itself which was very strong, now become fugitives. Both internal and external factors are considered responsible for this coup d rsquo etat. The biggest factors are economic falls and public anxiety for Mursi decisions which was considered semi dictatorship. The military force rsquo s strong influence in Egypt also played a big role which made this coup d rsquo etat happened. Besides that, there is a possibility of intervention from United States of America whose interests are existed in Egypt and Middle East countries. This study is a qualitative research with literature study method. The purpose of this study is to explain historical backgrounds and factors which influenced the coup d rsquo etat."

"Reformasi militer Indonesia telah mengakibatkan perubahan budaya, doktrin, struktural, dan organisasi. Perubahan tersebut belum mencapai sifat yang fundamental terhadap hubungan sipil-militer yang demokratis dimana hal ini sangat bergantung secara bersamaan pada "subordinasi masyarakat sipil untuk nilai-nilai militer” dan “subordinasi kontrol sipil atas militer". Kasus Indonesia dari reformasi militer tampaknya menunjukkan bahwa keberhasilan demokratisasi hubungan sipil-militer tergantung begitu banyak pada setup kelembagaan militer serta pada gigihnya bimbingan dan inisiatif dari institusi sipil. Beradaptasi dari Peter D. Feaver tentang teori "principal-agent", penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa masih ada koherensi yang kurang terpadu dari upaya antara lembaga-lembaga sipil (supra), sehingga dasar reformasi militer di Indonesia di bawah kontrol demokrasi masih bermasalah. Hal ini jelas bahwa, pertama, reformasi militer merupakan bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari demokratisasi, dan kematangan demokrasi harus membuka jalan bagi reformasi di militer. Kenyataan bahwa militer tetap merupakan bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari lingkaran supra sehingga hal ini menjadi bermasalah. Kedua, lingkaran sipil/ politik di dalam lingkaran supra tidak dapat membimbing, memberikan saran, dan memberikan orientasi kepada militer dalam kerangka tujuan nasional, termasuk alokasi sumber daya serta penggunaan kekuatan militer, sementara militer tetap menjadi otonom dalam beberapa area seperti doktrin, organisasi, disiplin internal, sifat, serta rencana operasional. Ketiga, lingkaran infra-partai politik, organisasi kemasyarakatan, organisasi non-pemerintah serta akademisi dan media-telah memainkan beberapa peran, meskipun terbatas, dalam menetapkan beberapa perubahan, tetapi mereka tetap tidak mampu menjaga momentum selama proses berlangsung. Keempat, pada tingkat implementasi, Departemen Pertahanan tampaknya memiliki kapasitas yang terbatas untuk melakukan kontrol mereka atas militer terutama di bidang anggaran militer, prioritas strategis, akuisisi senjata, pendidikan, dan doktrin. Supremasi sipil di Indonesia tampaknya telah mengandalkan "subordinasi sukarela" dari militer daripada akses sipil untuk melakukan kontrol yang efektif terhadap militer. Oleh karena itu, kebijakan instruktif dan dasar hukum keduanya diperlukan dan penting untuk menghasilkan subordinasi lengkap militer ke sipil.

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Indonesia’s military reform may have resulted in noted cultural, structural, doctrinal, and organizational changes. But such change has yet to be felt in the fundamental democratic civil-military relation that relies upon both “the subordination of civil society to military values and the subordination of civilian control of the military”. In the case of Indonesia, the military reform process appears to suggest that the success of democratizing civil-military relations depends as much on the institutional setup of the military as on the persistence, guidance and initiative of the civilian institutions. Adapting Peter D. Feaver’s “principal-agent” theory, this study shows that owing to the lack of coherence and concerted effort among civilian institutions (supra), the nature of military reforms under democratic control in Indonesia remains problematic. Nonetheless, four points are clear. First, military reforms are an inseparable part of democratization, and democratic maturity should open the way for a better reforms in the military. The very fact that the military remains an integral and inseparable part of the supra is problematic. Secondly, the civil/political circle within supra is unable to fully guide, advise and orient the military in the area of national objectives, including the allocation of resources, and the use of military forces so long as the military remains autonomous in such areas as doctrine, organization, internal discipline, traits and operational planning. Thirdly, the infra -- political parties, social organizations, non-governmental organizations as well as academia and the media -- have played some roles, limited nonetheless, in setting the tone of changes, but they remain unable to keep up momentum throughout the process. Fourthly, at the implementation level, the Defense Ministry appears to have limited capacity to exercise its control over the military, especially in the area of the military budget, strategic priorities, weapons acquisition, education and doctrine. Civilian supremacy in Indonesia appears to have relied on “voluntary subordination” of the military rather than on civilian access to exercise effective control over the military. Hence, instructive policy and legal basis are both necessary and essential to yield a complete subordination of the military to the civilian democratic society."

"Era reformasi yang menggema di tahun 1998 telah menyentuh seluruh aspek kehidupan bangsa. Segala aspek dituntut untuk berubah sebagai cara untuk meninggalkan warisan tradisi Orde Baru. Militer sebagai lembaga yang mendukung kekuasaan rezim, tak luput dari tuntutan perubahan. Wacana sipil-militer pun menjadi pembicaraan menarik, karena militer turut berperan aktif dalam warisan tradisi Orde Baru, khususnya dalam wilayah politik.Oleh karena itu, fokus perhatian tertuju pada peran politik militer. Sejak masa kepemimpinan Orde Lama, peran politik militer telah berlangsung. Di masa Orde Baru, peran tersebut semakin meningkat, bahkan militer turut mendukung tatanan pemerintahan selama lebih dari 30 tahun. Bersama dengan Golkar dan Birokrasi, Soeharto berhasil mengorganisir militer sebagai kekuatan politik yang turut menjamin stabilitas kekuasaan di bawah kepemimpinanya.Dalam meneliti peran politik militer ini, teori yang dipakai adalah teori relasi sipil-militer, peran politik militer, dan teori konsolidasi demokrasi. Ketiga teori ini dianggap mampu menggambarkan praktik poiitik militer di masa Orde Lama, Orde Baru dan pergeserannya di masa pasca Orde Baru. Metode yang dipakai dalam penulisan tesis ini adalah metode kualitatif, dengan memakai pendekatan kepustakaan (library research). Sumber-sumber data diperoleh dengan mengkaji buku-buku yang terkait dengan objek penelitian sorta melakukan wawancara dengan berbagai pihak yang terlibat langsung dalam pengambilan kebijakan-kebijakan yang terkait dengan objek penelitian.Berdasarkan temuan penelitian, era pasca Orde Baru menunjukkan kecenderungan menguatnya profesionalisrne militer. Militer terfokus pada fungsi pertahanan sebagai tugas utamanya. Civil society menjadi pilar utama, menggantikan dominasi militer. Lewat kebijakan sipil di DPR, kepentingan militer juga memperoleh perhatian utama, khususnya upaya untuk meningkatkan anggaran kesejahteraan dan belanja militer. Dengan demikian, peran politik militer di Indonesia pasca Orde Baru semakin menurun, seiring reformasi internal di tubuh militer sendiri. Kondisi ini sejalan dengan upaya konsolidasi demokrasi yang sedang berlangsung di Indonesia.

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Reformation era launched year 1998 has touched entire aspect of life nation. All aspect claimed to change as mode to leave heritage of New Order tradition. Military as institute support regime power don?t miss from change demand. Discourse of civil-military even also becomes interesting discussion because military partake the active sharing in heritage of New Order tradition, especially in political region.

Therefore, the focus attention concentrated to the political role of military. Since a period of Old Order leadership, political role of military has taken place. In period of New Order, the role progressively mount, even the military partake to support system of govemance during more than 30 years. Along with Golkar and Bureaucracy, Soeharto succeed to organize military as strength of politics which partake to guarantee stability of power under his leadership.

In study of political role of military, the theory which used is civil-military relationship theory, political role of military, and the consolidation of democracy theory. Those three theories are assumed able to depict political practice of military in a period of Old Order, New Order and its friction in a period of post New Order. Method that used in this thesis is qualitative method, with is bibliographical approach (library research). Data resources obtained by studying relevant books with research object and also conducting interview with various parties that concerned directly in policy intake with research object.

Pursuant to research Ending, post New Order era shows tendency of strengthen of military professionalism. Military focused at defender function as its main duty. Civil Society becomes especial pillar, replacing military domination. Through civil policy Indonesia House of Representative (DPR), military interest also gets especial attention, especially attempt to increase the military expense and prosperity budget. Thereby, political role of military in Indonesia downhill post New Order progressively, along the internal reform inside military. This condition is in parallel with effort of democracy consolidation which is underway in Indonesia."

"Tulisan ini menganalisis penyimpangan teori kontrol sipil dalam pengisian kekosongan jabatan penjabat kepala daerah dan bagaimana idealnya pengangkatan penjabat kepala daerah tersebut harus mengutamakan supremasi sipil. Tulisan ini disusun menggunakan metode penelitian doktrinal. Teori kontrol sipil melihat bagaimana hubungan sipil-militer dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan di suatu negara. Akan bersifat subjektif apabila terjadi pelemahan fungsi militer atau politisasi militer dan akan bersifat objektif apabila militer menjadi institusi yang professional. Perwujudan negara hukum yang demokratis terlihat dari implementasi kontrol sipilnya. Kewenangan militer yang terbatas pada pertahanan dan keamanan negara mendesak mereka menjadi sebuah institusi yang harus mengutamakan profesionalisme.Supremasi sipil terwujud apabila negara mampu memberikan batasan kewenangan militer atas pemerintahan sipil. TAP MPR No. VII/MPR/2000 menegaskan selain TNI dilarang untuk terlibat dalam kehidupan politik dan kegiatan politik praktis, TNI hanya diperbolehkan untuk menduduki jabatan sipil apabila telah pensiun atau mengundurkan diri. UU No. 34 Tahun 2004 membuka jalan keterlibatan TNI aktif menduduki jabatan sipil diikuti dengan Putusan MK No. 15/PUU-XX/2022 yang memperbolehkan TNI/Polri menjadi penjabat kepala daerah. Pengangkatan Penjabat Bupati Kabupaten Seram Bagian Barat pada tahun 2022 yang lalu bertentangan dengan teori kontrol sipil karena menempatkan militer akif menduduki jabatan sipil yang cenderung bersifat politis karena kewenangan yang melekat padanya. Pengisian jabatan penjabat kepala daerah seharusnya lebih mengutamakan supremasi sipil dan TNI harus mengedepankan profesionalisme institusinya dengan membatasi keterlibatannya dalam pemerintahan sipil karena cakupan kewenangan TNI ialah sebagai alat pertahanan dan keamanan negara.

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This article analyzes deviations from the theory of civil control in filling vacancies in the position of acting regional head and how ideally the appointment of acting regional heads should prioritize civilian supremacy. This article was prepared using doctrinal research methods. Civil control theory looks at how civil-military relations play out in the administration of government in a country. It would be subjective if there is a weakening of military functions or politicization of the military and it would be objective if the military becomes a professional institution. The realization of a democratic rule of law could be seen from the implementation of civilian control itself. The military's constrained mandate for national defense and security necessitates its transformation into an institution that prioritizes professionalism. Civil supremacy is occured if the state is able to limit military authority over civilian government. Decree of MPR No. VII/MPR/2000 emphasized that apart from the TNI being prohibited from being involved in political life and practical political activities, the TNI were only allowed to hold civilian positions if they had retired or resigned. Law No. 34 of 2004 paved the way for the active TNI involvement in civilian positions followed by Constitutional Court Decision No. 15/PUU-XX/2022 which allows the TNI/Polri becomes acting regional heads. The appointment of the Acting Regent of West Seram Regency in 2022 runs counter to the principle of civilian control, as it involves placing active military personnel in civilian roles that often have political implications due to the associated authority. Filling the position of acting regional head should prioritize civilian supremacy and the TNI must prioritize the professionalism of its institutions by limiting its involvement in civilian government because the scope of the TNI's authority is as a means of state defense and security."

"Penelitian ini membahas mengenai relasi sipil-militer di Brasil pada masa pemerintahan Presiden Luiz Inacio da Silva (2002-2009) berdasarkan pada landasan argumen teori yang dikembangkan oleh Alfred Stepan yakni tentang Teori Hak Istimewa Militer. Kajian utama yang dijadikan pembahasan di dalam skripsi ini adalah mengenai Strategi Kebijakan Nasional Brasil tahun 2008, dinamika relasi Kementerian Pertahanan Brasil dengan militer, dan faksionalisasi militer Brasil pada masa Presiden Luiz Inacio da Silva. Ketiga hal tersebut merupakan refleksi dari relasi sipil-militer Brasil pada masa pemerintahan Presiden Lula (2002-2009).

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The focus of this study is to explain about Brazil civil-military relations under the authority of President Luiz Inacio da Silva (2002-2009), and based on with basic theory of Alfred Stepan that is Military Privilege Right Theory. The point of this problems are to know about National Strategy of Defence 2008, dynamic relations on Brazil Ministry of Defence with military, and factionalisation of Brasil Military under the authority of Presiden Luiz Inacio da Silva’s era. They reflected from Brazil civilmilitary relations under Presiden Luiz Inacio da Silva (2002-2009)."

"ABSTRAKSkripsi ini menjelaskan tentang kronologi pemerintahan Muhammad Mursi sejak dilantik hingga dikudeta oleh militer Mesir. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah yang terdiri atas pemilihan topik, heuristik, verifikasi, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Temuan dari penelitian ini adalah menjelaskan secara kronologis situasi dan kondisi Mesir pada masa pemerintahan Muhammad Mursi sejak dilantik hingga dikudeta. Selain itu, temuan dari penelitian ini juga membuktikan bahwa peristiwa kudeta presiden yang dilakukan oleh militer Mesir tersebut bukan merupakan kudeta menurut Edward Luttwak dan Eric A. Nordlinger, melainkan sebuah penggulingan yang dieksekusi oleh militer Mesir.

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ABSTRACTThis thesis describes the chronology of Egypt government under the reign of Muhammad Mursi, starting from his coronation until his coup by Egyptian Armed Force. The method used is the historical method consisting of a selection of topics, heuristic, verification, interpretation, and historiography. The result of this thesis is to explain in chronological circumstances of Egypt during the reign of Muhammad Mursi since his coronation until his coup. In addition, the result of this thesis shows that the president coup d?etat events conducted by the Egyptian Armed Force is not a coup by Edward Luttwak and Eric A. Nordlinger theories, but an overthrow which was executed by the Egyptian Armed Force."

"[Skripsi ini menganalisis hubungan sipil - militer terkait peran militer dalam proses rekonstruksi dan rekonsiliasi di Provinsi Utara Sri Lanka pasca konflik antara pemerintah Sri Lanka dan LTTE. Untuk menjelaskan hal tersebut, skripsi ini menggunakan teori hubungan sipil - militer berdasarkan sintesa pemikiran Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, dan Louis W. Goodman. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan menerapkan teknik studi literatur. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan adanya hubungan sipil - militer dengan akomodasi sipil yang tidak seimbang di Provinsi Utara Sri Lanka dan merugikan masyarakat Tamil di Provinsi Utara.;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.;;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region., This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka’s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.]"

"ABSTRAKJurnal ini membahas tentang kudeta yang dilakukan militer Mesir terhadap presiden Muhammad Mursi. Mesir memiliki sejarah panjang dengan kekuasaan militer. Sejak militer mengkudeta Raja Farouq pada tahun 1952, militer tidak pernah kehilangan kekuasaan tertinggi dalam pemerintahan Mesir hingga akhirnya gelombang Arab Spring pada tahun 2011 mengakhiri rezim militer yang telah berkuasa selama puluhan tahun. Pemilu secara demokratis diselenggarakan demi memilih presiden dengan cara yang demokratis. Maka terpilihlah Muhammad Mursi dari kelompok Islamis Ikhwanul Muslimin. Mursi terpilih pada bulan Juni 2012 dengan perolehan suara 51,7 . Mursi berupaya untuk mengembalikan keadaan ekonomi dan politik Mesir yang merosot pasca revolusi 2011. Namun ternyata, ada pihak yang tidak senang dengan berkuasanya Mursi. Salah satunya adalah pihak militer. Apalagi setelah Mursi mengeluarkan dekrit yang dianggap hanya menguntungkan dirinya. Ditambah cara Mursi yang terlalu frontal ingin menghilangkan pengaruh militer di berbagai sektor. Maka terjadilah demonstrasi besar-besaran menuntut presiden Mursi untuk turun. Suasana ini dimanfaatkan oleh militer untuk berafiliasi dengan kelompok oposisi untuk melengserkan Mursi. Dalam kondisi masyarakat yang sedang gaduh, militer menuntut Mursi untuk memperbaiki keadaan dalam waktu 48 jam sejak militer memberi ultimatum. Karena dianggap gagal, akhirnya militer mengambil alih pemerintahan pada 3 Juli 2013.

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ABSTRACTThis journal discusses the Egyptian military coup against the president Muhammad Mursi. Egypt has a long history of military rule. Since the military coup against King Farouq in 1952, the military has never lost the highest authority in the government until the Arab Spring wave in 2011 put an end to the military regime. The election held in order to elect a president by democratic means. Then elected Islamist Mohammed Morsi from Muslim Brotherhood. Morsi was elected in June 2012 by a vote of 51.7 . Mursi seeks to restore the economic and political situation post revolution 2011. However, there are those who are not happy with Mursi to power. One of them is the military. Especially after Mursi issued a decree that considered only benefit him. Plus Mursi wants to eliminate the influence of the military in various sectors. Then there was massive demonstrations demanding the president Morsi to step down. This atmosphere is used by the military to be affiliated with opposition groups to depose Morsi. In conditions of the people who were being rowdy, demanding military Mursi to remedy the situation within 48 hours. Because it was considered a failure, the military finally took office on July 3, 2013."