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"Tesis ini mengkaji mengenai Pertarungan Kekuasaan Antara Partai Besar vs Partai Kecil dalam Perumusan Ambang Batas Presiden ('Presidential Threshold') Pada Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilihan Umum yang terjadi di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Republik Indonesia (DPR RI). Dalam proses pembahasan tersebut masing-masing fraksi saling beradu argumentasi mengenai isu ambang batas presiden ('presidential threshold'). Terdapat 2 (dua) pendapat yang mengemuka yang saling berlawanan (kontradiktif) antara satu dengan yang lainnya. P'ertama', pendapat yang menginginkan agar besaran ambang batas presiden tetap pada angka 20% kursi dan 25% suara sah nasional. 'Kedua', pendapat yang menginginkan agar aturan mengenai ambang batas presiden ('presidential threshold') dihapuskan menjadi 0%. Adapun teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori kekuasaan, teori persaingan dan teori konflik. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian  kualitatif dengan menggunakan teknik analisa deskriptif-analitis dan wawancara mendalam dengan beberapa anggota fraksi yang terlibat langsung dalam proses politik tersebut.Temuan dalam penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa partarungan kekuasaan antara partai besar vs partai kecil pada perumusan ambang batas presiden ('presidential threshold') lebih dimotivasi oleh orientasi dan kepentingan politik pragmatis masing-masing fraksi yang sifatnya kolutif dalam rangka untuk kepentingan Pilpres dan Pemilu tahun 2019. Implikasi teoritis menunjukkan bahwa teori kekuasaan, teori persaingan dan teori konflik berimplikasi positif terhadap penelitian ini.

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This thesis examines the Power Struggle between the Big Parties vs Small Parties in the Formulation of the Presidential Threshold in Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections that occurs in the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI). In the discussion process each faction clashed with each other regarding the presidential threshold. There are 2 (two) opinions that are contradictory between one another. First, opinions that want the presidential threshold to remain at 20% of seats and 25% of legitimate national votes. Second, opinions that want the presidential threshold to be abolished to 0%. The theories used in this study are power theory, competition theory and conflict theory. This research is a qualitative research using analytical-descriptive analysis techniques and in-depth interviews with several faction members who are directly involved in the political process.

The findings in this study indicate that the participation of power between big parties vs small parties in the formulation of the presidential threshold is more motivated by the orientation and pragmatic political interests of each faction that is colutive in the interests of the 2019 Presidential Election and Election. Theoretical implications shows that the theory of power, competition theory and conflict theory have positive implications for this research."

"[ABSTRAKTujuan dari tesis ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejauh mana pengaruh faktor-faktor identitasdan identifikasi politik masyarakat terhadap rendahnya perolehan suara parpol Islam. Selainitu juga untuk mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor perilaku apa saja dan interaksi politik parpolIslam seperti apa yang berpengaruh terhadap menurunnya elektabilitas, serta apakahperubahan landscape politik nasional dalam sejarah politik Indonesia berpengaruh terhadapstrategi parpol Islam untuk mengantisipasi penurunan elektabilitas tersebut.Pemilu 2014 menjadi potret terbaru bagaimana partai Islam kembali mengulangi sejarah yangsama, yakni tidak mampu mendobrak dominasi partai-partai nasionalis dalam perolehan suarapemilu di Indonesia. Kekalahan ini menghidupkan lagi wacana sekaligus perdebatanmengenai berakhirnya politik aliran di Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini, ditemukan bahwapolitik aliran itu tidak betul-betul berakhir. Meskipun pengaruhnya terhadap pemilih tidaksekuat Pemilu 1955, namun politik aliran tetap bereksistensi. Tentu saja saat ini trikotomiGeertz, yang membagi umat Islam atas santri, priyayi, dan abangan, tidak terlalu relevan.Sebab, umat Islam sudah semakin rasional dalam memilih, tak terkecuali kaum santri. Di sisilain, partai politik sendiri cenderung bergeser ke tengah. Partai-partai nasionalis saat ini tidak“anti” Islam. Bahkan partai seperti PDIP, Gerindra, dan Golkar sudah punya sayap organisasiIslam. Sebaliknya, partai Islam seperti PPP dan PKS sudah sering menyatakan diri sebagaipartai terbuka, sebagai respon dari asumsi bahwa politik aliran sudah mencair dan bahkanberakhir. Selain persoalan tersebut, dalam tesis ini juga dikemukakan mengenai prospekpartai Islam, yang di antaranya dengan mengacu pada hasil suara partai Islam dalam Pemilu2014 dan posisinya ketika dikonfrontir dengan berbagai hasil survei yang menyebutkanbahwa partai Islam pasca Pemilu 2014 akan suram.Tesis ini menggunakan teori partai politik dan teori ideologi, bagaimana teori tersebutmelihat partai Islam di Indonesia. Konsep-konsep, baik dari Geertz yang membagi umatIslam di Jawa yang terdiri dari santri, abangan, dan priyayi, maupun dari Herbert Faith jugamenjadi salah satu pembanding, apakah konsep-konsep tersebut masih relevan dalam melihatpolitik aliran dalam Pemilu 2014.

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ABSTRACTThe purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent of the influence of factors of identity andpolitical identification of society to the low number of votes of Islamic political parties. Inaddition, to identify the factors and interaction behavior any Islamic political parties as towhat effect on decreasing elektabilitas, and whether changes in the national politicallandscape in Indonesia's political history affect the strategy of Islamic political parties toanticipate the decline elektabilitas.Election of 2014 became the latest portrait how Islamic parties reiterated the same history,which is not able to break the dominance of nationalist parties in the history of vote electionsin Indonesia. This defeat at the same discourse revive debate about the end of the flow inIndonesian politics. In this study, it was found that the flow politics not really ended.Although its influence on voters is not as strong as the 1955 election, but the political streamremains to exist. Of course, this time the trichotomy of Geertz, which divides the muslimstudents, gentry, and abangan, not too relevant. Therefore, the muslim students areincreasingly rational in choosing, not to mention the students. On the other hand, the politicalparties themselves are likely to shift to the center. Nationalist parties today are not "anti"Islam. Even parties like PDIP, Gerindra, and Golkar already have Islamic organization‟swings. In contrast, Islamist parties like PPP and PKS have often refers to himself as an openparty, with the assumption that the political stream has ended. In this thesis also expressedabout the prospects for Islamic parties, some of which with reference to the Islamic party‟svote in the 2014 election and its position when confronted with various results of manysurvey say that the Islamist party after the 2014 election will be bleak.This thesis uses the theory of political parties and the theory of ideology, how these theoriessee Islamic parties in Indonesia. Concepts, both of Geertz that divides Muslims in Java,which consists of students, abangan, and gentry, and of Herbert She also became one of thecomparison, whether these concepts are still relevant in view of the political streams in the2014 election, The purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent of the influence of factors of identity andpolitical identification of society to the low number of votes of Islamic political parties. Inaddition, to identify the factors and interaction behavior any Islamic political parties as towhat effect on decreasing elektabilitas, and whether changes in the national politicallandscape in Indonesia's political history affect the strategy of Islamic political parties toanticipate the decline elektabilitas.Election of 2014 became the latest portrait how Islamic parties reiterated the same history,which is not able to break the dominance of nationalist parties in the history of vote electionsin Indonesia. This defeat at the same discourse revive debate about the end of the flow inIndonesian politics. In this study, it was found that the flow politics not really ended.Although its influence on voters is not as strong as the 1955 election, but the political streamremains to exist. Of course, this time the trichotomy of Geertz, which divides the muslimstudents, gentry, and abangan, not too relevant. Therefore, the muslim students areincreasingly rational in choosing, not to mention the students. On the other hand, the politicalparties themselves are likely to shift to the center. Nationalist parties today are not "anti"Islam. Even parties like PDIP, Gerindra, and Golkar already have Islamic organization‟swings. In contrast, Islamist parties like PPP and PKS have often refers to himself as an openparty, with the assumption that the political stream has ended. In this thesis also expressedabout the prospects for Islamic parties, some of which with reference to the Islamic party‟svote in the 2014 election and its position when confronted with various results of manysurvey say that the Islamist party after the 2014 election will be bleak.This thesis uses the theory of political parties and the theory of ideology, how these theoriessee Islamic parties in Indonesia. Concepts, both of Geertz that divides Muslims in Java,which consists of students, abangan, and gentry, and of Herbert She also became one of thecomparison, whether these concepts are still relevant in view of the political streams in the2014 election]"

"Dalam kehidupan bernegara, manusia tidak dapat terlepas dari paran mereka sebagai bagian dari suatu komunitas politik. Indonesia sebagai negara yang menganut pabam demokrasi tentu memiliki lebih dari satu partai politik. Partai politik yang beragam sekaligus sebagai perwujudan Pemilu yang demokratis. Tiap partai poJitik tentunya memiliki kepentingan dan tujuan yang beragam sesuai dengan landasan partai mereka. Dalam proses pencapaian tujuan. suatu partai melewati Pemilu terJebih dahulu dan harus meyakinkan para konstituen secara umum bahwa partai mereka dapat mewakili aspirasi mereka. Penelitian ini bettujuan untuk memahami faktor-faktor apa hal yang dapat mempengaruhi voting inremion dari konstituene. Dengan memahami faktor-faktor tersebut. suatu partai dapat memiliki keungguian bersaing yang dapat membantu mereka untuk mencapai tujuan yang telah disebutkan sebelumnya.

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As a citizen, one cannot detach from their role as a pan of political community. Indonesia, as a democratic country obviously has more than one political party. These parties also represent democratic implementation, whereas party role is to become a representative of constituent aspiration. Every political party surely has their own agenda and goals. In order to reach those goals, a political party needs to gain support from all constituents especially on election day, This research is held to provide an understanding towards factors that influence constitute voting intention By understanding those factors, a party can obtain a competitive advantage that can aid them to reach their goals."

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini membahas mengenai organisasi sayap Islam, Baitul Muslimin Indonesia (Bamusi) di Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP). Penelitian dilatarbelakangi adanya perbedaan pandangan antara kelompok nasionalis dan Islam, terutama dalam hal bentuk negara apa yang disepakati. Perbedaan berlanjut masa Orde Baru, yang membuat hubungan antara Islam dan negara saling antagonistik, dan kemudian akomodatif. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui bagaimana PDIP sebagai partai nasionalis-sekuler membentuk Bamusi, faktor-faktor apa yang membuat PDIP membentuk sayap Bamusi, serta bagaimana implikasinya.Pijakan teoritis penelitian ini menggunakan teori kepartaian dari Maurice Duverger, dan Miriam Budiardjo. Di samping itu juga menggunakan teori dari Otto Kirchheimer, Richard S. Katz, Peter Mair dan teori pilihan rasional. Selain itu, menggunakan pendekatan aliran politik dari Clifford Geertz, akomodasi Islam dan negara dari Bahtiar Effendy, serta pendekatan konvergensi Islam dari Kuntowijoyo. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan sumber data primer dan sekunder. Sumber primer diperoleh melalui wawancara. Sementara sumber sekunder diperoleh dari media massa dan kajian pustaka.Terdapat faktor mengapa Bamusi terbentuk. Faktor eksternal, meliputi hubungan Islam dan negara, serta konvergensi sosio-kultural masyarakat Islam. Sementara faktor internal, adanya dinamika internal partai yang melihat adanya dikotomi antara kalangan Islam dan nasionalis. Selain itu, stigma politik PDIP yang dianggap sebagai partainya orang abangan, sekuler, partainya non-Muslim, dan sejenis. Faktor lain yang tidak bisa Implikasi adanya Bamusi, kini PDIP tidak lagi dilihat sebagai partai nasionalis-sekuler, namun sudah mengakomodasi sisi religius. Bamusi menjadi alat justifikasi atau pembenaran dan legitimasi bagi PDIP menjadi partai nasionalis religius. Selain itu, Bamusi bisa menjadi konfirmasi konvergensi Islam di Indonesia. Di samping itu, proses konvergensi yang ditandai dengan cairnya dikotomi nasionalis-Islam memiliki implikasi bahwa politik aliran yang dikemukakan oleh Clifford Geertz sudah mencair.

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ABSTRACTThis study discusses the Islamic wing organization, Baitul Muslimin Indonesia (Bamusi) in the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP). Research background of differences between the nationalist and Islamist, especially in the form of what was agreed. Differences continued the New Order, which makes the relationship between Islam and the state mutually antagonistic, and then accommodating. The study was conducted to determine how the PDIP as a secular nationalist party formed Bamusi, what factors make PDIP Bamusi wing shape, and how its implications.Theoretical framework study using the theory of party of Maurice Duverger and Miriam Budiardjo. In addition it also uses the theory of Otto Kirchheimer, Richard S. Katz, Peter Mair, and rational choice theory. In addition, using political cleavage approach from Clifford Geertz, Islam and the state of the accommodation Bahtiar Effendy, the convergence of Islam approach of Kuntowijoyo. This study used qualitative methods with data sources primary and secondary. Primary sources obtained through interviews. While secondary sources obtained from the mass media and literature.There are factors why Bamusi formed. External factors, including the relationship between Islam and the state, as well as socio-cultural convergence Islamic society. While internal factors, the internal dynamics of the party who saw the dichotomy between Islamists and nationalists. In addition, stigma is regarded as politically PDIP abangan party, secular, and non-Muslim party. Another factor that cannot be released is political factors, PDIP experience in the 1999 and 2004 elections.As the implications of Bamusi, PDIP is now no longer seen as a secular nationalist party, but had to accommodate the religious. Bamusi can be a justification and legitimacy for PDIP a religious nationalist party. Another theoretical implication is Bamusi formation could be a confirmation of the convergence of Islam in Indonesia. In addition, the convergence process is characterized by liquid-Islamic nationalist dichotomy has political implications that political cleavage proposed by Clifford Geertz has melted."