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"Summary: "This comprehensive introduction to Chinese foreign relations examines the opportunities and limits China faces as it seeks growing international influence. Tracing the record of twists and turns in Chinese foreign relations since the end of the Cold War, Robert G. Sutter provides a nuanced analysis that shows that along with popular perceptions of its growing power, Beijing is hampered by both domestic and international constraints. Newly revised, this edition features more extensive treatment of China?s role in the international economy and greater discussion of its relations with the developing world. Overall, the text?s balanced and thorough assessment shows China?s leaders exerting more influence in world affairs but remaining far from dominant. Facing numerous contradictions and tradeoffs, they move cautiously as they deal with a complex global environment."--Publisher?s description.Contents: Strategy and continuity in contemporary Chinese foreign policy -- Chinese leadership priorities : implications for Chinese foreign relations -- Changing patterns in decision making and international outlook -- China?s role in the world economy and international governance -- Chinese national security policies -- Relations with the United States -- Relations with Taiwan -- Relations with Japan and Korea -- Relations with Southeast Asia, Australia, New Zealand, and the Pacific Islands -- Relations with Southern Asia and Central Asia -- Relations with Russia and Europe -- Relations with the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America -- Prospects"

"After the Second World War, Turkey and Egypt were among the most dynamic actors in the Middle East. Their 1950s foreign policies presented a puzzle, however: Turkey's Democrat Party pursued NATO membership and sponsored the pro-Western Baghdad Pact regionally, while Egypt's Free Officers promoted neutralism and pan-Arab alliances. This book asks why: what explains this divergence in a shared historical space? Rethinking foreign policy as an important site for the realisation of nationalist commitments, Abou-El-Fadl finds the answer in the contrasting nation making projects pursued by the two leaderships, each politicised differently through experiences of war, imperialism and underdevelopment. Drawing on untapped Turkish and Arabic sources, and critically engaging with theories of postcolonial nationalism, she emphasises local actors' agency in striving to secure national belonging, sovereignty and progress in the international field. Her analysis sheds light on the contemporary legacies of the decade which cemented Turkey's position in the Western Bloc and Egypt's reputation as Arab leader."

"pages 513-530"

"Penelitian ini menganalisis perubahan kebijakan luar negeri Turki terhadap Suriah. Analisis dalam penelitian ini mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor penyebab yang melandasi Turki mengubah kebijakan luar negerinya sejak konflik sipil terjadi tahun 2011 di Suriah. Tesis ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif yang berdasarkan pada causal process tracing sebagai teknik analisis data. Dengan kerangka analisis politik luar negeri, penelitian ini menemukan adanya faktor internal dan eksternal sebagai pembentuk perubahan kebijakan luar negeri. Faktor internal terdiri dari isu politik identitas, pragmatisme ekonomi, dan peran kelompok kepentingan. Kemudian, faktor eksternal terdiri dari ancaman eksistensial, guncangan eksternal, desakan publik, dan persaingan di kawasan. Berdasarkan perangkat analisis tersebut, penulis menyimpulkan bahwa perubahan sikap Turki dilandaskan pada kepentingan nasionalisme Turki yakni mencegah terbentuknya Negara Kurdi di Suriah Utara, mengendalikan kelompok Islam Radikal di Suriah, membentuk pemerintahan baru di Suriah sesuai dengan kehendak Turki, menguasai akses sumber energi di Suriah, dan melindungi wilayah kedaulatannya dari ancaman dan efek limpahan konflik Suriah. Berdasarkan hasil analisis tersebut, penelitian ini menawarkan dua rekomendasi penting. Pertama, secara akademik yang menawarkan penyempurnaan lebih lanjut dari teori perubahan politik luar negeri dengan menggabungkan pendekatan berbasis struktur dan agen. Kedua, rekomendasi kebijakan yang menawarkan secara idealitas bahwa Turki harus mengembalikan karakteristik politik luar negeri Zero Problem with Neighbour yang cenderung mengedepankan soft power dibanding hard power.

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This study analyzes the changes in Turkey's foreign policy towards Syria. The analysis in this study identifies the causal factors that underlie Turkey's change in its foreign policy since the civil conflict occurred in 2011 in Syria. This thesis uses a qualitative research method based on causal process tracing as a data analysis technique. With the framework of foreign policy analysis, this research finds internal and external factors as the shapers of foreign policy changes. Internal factors consist of identity politics, economic pragmatism, and the role of interest groups. Then, external factors consist of existential threats, external shocks, public pressure, and competition in the region. Based on this analysis, the authors conclude that Turkey's policy changes are based on the interests of Turkish nationalism, namely preventing the formation of a Kurdish State in Northern Syria, controlling Radical Islamic groups in Syria, forming a new government in Syria under Turkey's will, controlling access to energy sources in Syria, and protect its sovereign territory from the threats and spillover effects of the Syrian conflict. Based on the analysis results, this study offers two important recommendations. First, academically that offers a further refinement of the theory of foreign policy change by combining a structure-based and agency-based approach. Second, policy recommendations offer ideals that Turkey must restore the characteristics of a "Zero Problem with Neighbor" foreign policy, which tends to prioritize soft power over hard power."

"The Korean peninsula during the Cold War provided a cruel but historically unparalleled real-world "experiment" in the relationship between polity and material advance: an ethnically and culturally homogenous nation was, in 1945, suddenly divided by an arbitrary boundary line and then subjected to two radically different and adversarial political economies for successive decades on end. Assessing the competition between the North and South Korean economies from partition to the end of the Soviet era, Nicholas Eberstadt argues that the storyline is not quite as simple as the now-prevailing narrative suggests (that centrally-planned economies are doomed to fail against market-oriented alternatives). Rather, he suggests, the race for material progress was just that: a race, the results of which were far from preordained at the outset. In Policy and Economic Performance in Divided Korea during the Cold War Era: 1945-91, Eberstadt presents an impressive compilation of hard-to-find comparative data on economic performance for the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea) and the Republic of Korea (ROK, or South Korea) over two critical generations. By a number of indicators, Eberstadt argues, Kim Il Sung’s North Korea actually outperformed South Korea for much of this period -- not only in the years immediately following partition, but perhaps also into the 1970s. To explain these surprising results, Eberstadt details the impact of government policies on the course of growth of both economies and offers some unorthodox observations about material performance under these two contending polities. He finds that prevailing economic development theory on such issues as planned-versus-market economies, military burden, and the relationship between material advance and poverty, may require reexamination in light of the experience of the two Koreas between partition and the end of the Cold War." --Back cover."