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"[ABSTRAKPenelitian ini hendak mengetahui perkembangan bosisme lokal diIndonesia pada era desentralisasi. Penelitian akan terfokus pada kemunculanMuhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar sebagai bos lokal serta penguatan jaringanyang ia lakukan. Peneliti menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatanwawancara mendalam, observasi dan pengumpulan dokumen. Teori yangdigunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori mengenai orang kuat lokal, teorimengenai bossisme lokal, teori dinasti politik dan teori mengenai hubunganpatron-klien.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kemunculan Muhammad Andi AliBaal Masdar sebagai bos lokal dimulai sejak ia menduduki jabatan bupati. Selainitu, melemahnya kontrol DPRD Polewali Mandar turut mempermudahlangkahnya untuk menjadi bos lokal. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdarmelakukan money politics atau political buying untuk mempertahankankekuasaannya. Kekuatan politik Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar didukungPartai Golkar dan Partai Gerindra di Polewali Mandar. Ia juga merangkulkalangan agamawan, jurnalis/pers lokal, jaringan birokrasi, hingga parapengusaha lokal dalam memperkuat kekuasaannya. Status kebangsawananMuhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar menjadi modal sosial di tengah masyarakatMandar yang bersifat patrimodial, hal ini semakin meperkuat eksistensinyasebagai bos lokal di Polewali Mandar. Selain itu, Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar juga mempunyai modal ekonomi yang kuat, ia di kenal sebagai keluargayang kaya raya dan kontrol terhadap sumber-sumber ekonomi berupa proyekpemerintah.Implikasi teori memperlihatkan bahwa kekuasaan Muhammad Andi AliBaal Masdar tidak sepenuhnya memenuhi kriteria yang dimaksud dalam teorilocal strongmen atau local bossism. Salah satu kriteria yang tidak terpenuhi ialahpenggunaan kekerasan, intimidasi terhadap lawan politiknya. Akan tetapi, hal initidak mengugurkan keberadaan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar sebagai boslokal karena kekuasaan yang dimiliki sudah membentuk dinasti polit;This research seek to understand the development of local bosism inIndonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emergeof Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening ofthe the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative methodwith deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theoryused in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theoryconcerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerningpatronge-client.The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati).Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar RegionalRepresentative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos.Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying todefense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar?s political power wassupported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He alsoembraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, untillocal businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of MuhammadAndi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community whichhaving patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos inPolewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had astrong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and hasa control on economical resources such as government projects.The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory orlocal bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength,intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance ofMuhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed hadestablished a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians,bureaucration, and businessman.;This research seek to understand the development of local bosism inIndonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emergeof Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening ofthe the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative methodwith deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theoryused in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theoryconcerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerningpatronge-client.The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati).Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar RegionalRepresentative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos.Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying todefense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar?s political power wassupported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He alsoembraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, untillocal businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of MuhammadAndi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community whichhaving patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos inPolewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had astrong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and hasa control on economical resources such as government projects.The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory orlocal bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength,intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance ofMuhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed hadestablished a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians,bureaucration, and businessman., This research seek to understand the development of local bosism inIndonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emergeof Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening ofthe the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative methodwith deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theoryused in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theoryconcerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerningpatronge-client.The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati).Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar RegionalRepresentative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos.Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying todefense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar’s political power wassupported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He alsoembraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, untillocal businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of MuhammadAndi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community whichhaving patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos inPolewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had astrong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and hasa control on economical resources such as government projects.The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory orlocal bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength,intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance ofMuhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed hadestablished a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians,bureaucration, and businessman.]"

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini hendak mengetahui fenomena Zulkifli Nurdin sebagai?orang kuat lokal? di Jambi era desentralisasi. Peneliti menggunakan metodekualitatif dengan pendekatan wawancara mendalam dan studi dokumen. Teoriyang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori mengenai ?orang kuat lokal?, teorimengenai ?bossisme lokal? dan teori mengenai ?orang kuat lokal? yang predator.Hasil wawancara mendalam dan studi dokumen memperlihatkan ZulkifliNurdin berhasil muncul sebagai ?orang kuat lokal? di Jambi era desentralisasi.Keberhasilan Zulkifli Nurdin tersebut disebabkan karena dia berasal dari keluargapengusaha pribumi melayu terkaya di Jambi, Nurdin Hamzah dan menguasaiorganisasi pengusaha seperti Kadin dan Gapensi di Jambi. Zulkifli Nurdin jugatepat memilih partai PAN yang dipersepsi sebagai partai reformis. Selain itu,Zulkifli Nurdin juga terbantu dengan kondisi gerakan sosial di Jambi cenderungmengecil dan tidak bisa masuk ke dalam pertarungan politik era desentralisasi.Zulkifli Nurdin berhasil memanfaatkan jabatannya sebagai GubernurJambi dalam membangun kekuatan ekonomi dan politik yang besar di Jambi.Zulkifli Nurdin berhasil membesarkan Partai Amanat Nasional menjadi partaibesar di Jambi dan didukung oleh DPRD Provinsi Jambi dalam mengeluarkankebijakan. Zulkifli Nurdin juga berhasil memanfaatkan birokrasi untukmenggalang suara, mendapatkan dana dari proyek pemerintah dan mengaturpejabat-pejabat yang setia kepadanya serta menjalin kedekatan denganpenyelenggara pemilu di Jambi. Model pembangunannya membuat dirinyamemperoleh keuntungan dari bisnis perizinan pengelolaan sumber daya alam diJambi.Pengaruh Zulkifli Nurdin juga besar dalam politik lokal di Jambi. ZulkifliNurdin berhasil melakukan kontrol sosial atas masyarakat Jambi. Zulkifli Nurdinberhasil melemahkan gerakan sosial di Jambi dan mengontrol organisasikekerasan di Jambi. Zulkifli Nurdin juga berhasil memengaruhi hasil pemilihanBupati dan Walikota di Jambi dan mendominasi Partai Amanat Nasional di Jambi.Implikasi teoritis memperlihatkan bahwa Zulkifli Nurdin tidak sepenuhnyamenjadi ?orang kuat lokal? karena Zulkifli Nurdin juga memenuhi beberapakriteria ?bossisme lokal? dan beberapa kriteria ?orang kuat lokal yang predator?.Fenomena Zulkifli Nurdin lebih tepat dikatakan sebagai ?Kuasi-Orang KuatLokal?. Temuan dalam penelitian ini secara umum juga ditemukan dalampenelitian mengenai ?orang kuat lokal? di daerah lain atau di negara lain sepertiFilipina dan Thailand.

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Abstracthis research aims to explore the phenomena of Zulkifli Nurdin as a?Local Strongmen? in Jambi within the era of decentralization. The researcherdeploys a qualitative method using in deep interview and document studyapproaches. Theories used in this research are ?local strongmen?, ?local bossism?and theory on predatory ?local strongmen?.In deep interviews and document study results showed Zulkifli Nurdinsucceeds in emerging as a ?local strongmen? in Jambi during the era ofdecentralization. Zulkifli Nurdin?s success attributed to the his origin from awealthies local malay entrepreneur in Jambi, Nurdin Hamzah and controlsentrepreneurs organization such as the Chamber of Commerce (Kamar Dagangdan Industri Indonesia-Kadin) and the Association of Indonesia?s Entrepreneurs(Gabungan Pengusaha Seluruh Indonesia-Gapensi) in Jambi. Zulkifli Nurdin alsochoose the suitable party, The National Mandate Party (Partai Amanat Nasional),as it is perceived as a reformist party. Zulkifli Nurdin was favored by the socialmovement condition in Jambi that has shrunken and could not enter to thepolitical contestation arena during the decentralization era.Furthermore, Zulkifli Nurdin succeeds in using his position as theGovernor of Jambi in building a strong political and economical power. Hemanaged to raise the National Awakening Party into a strong party in Jambi andhis policies are strongly supported by the Regional Parliament of Jambi Provinces.He also succeeds in using the bureaucracy to mobilize votes, acquire funds fromthe government?s project, control bureaucrats that loyal to him and establishedclose relationship with the election body in Jambi. His development programme isin his favor by granting him profits from natural resource exploration permit inJambi.Zulkifli Nurdin?s influence is also strong in Jambi?s local politics. Hemanages to carries out social control over the Jambi populations. He succeeds inmaking the social movements weaker and controls the vigilante organization. Healso succeeds in influencing the result of Head of Regents and Mayors in Jambiand become a dominant figure in The Jambi National Mandate Party.Theoritical implications of this research show that Zulkifli Nurdin notentirely become as a ?local strongmen? because the phenomena of Zulkifli Nurdinalso meet the certain criteria of ?local bossism? and predatory ?local strongmen?.His phenomena is more correct to say as a ?Quasi-Local Strongmen?. Findings ofthis research can also be found in other researches on ?local strongmen? in otherregion or state such as the Philippines and Thailand."

"Penelitian ini membahas tentang konflik politik dalam pemerintahan lokal dengan studi kasus pada pengunduran diri Wakil Bupati dari jalur perseorangan di Kabupaten Garut tahun 2011. Dengan metode kualitatif dan penelitian deskriptif, peneliti berupaya menggambarkan dinamika konflik di Kabupaten Garut yang dihadapi pasangan kepala daerah jalur perseorangan dengan partai politik di DPRD dan birokrasi lokal. Hasil analisis menunjukan bahwa jalur perseorangan memperburuk konflik politik yang terjadi. Kepala daerah dari jalur perseorangan ternyata tidak menjamin berjalannya pemerintahan lokal secara stabil dan efektif.

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This thesis write about political conflict in local government used case study of Vice Regent’s resignation from independence scheme in Garut district year 2011. Used qualitative methodology and descriptive research, reseacher try to describe political conflict dynamic in Garut district whom faced by Regent and Vice Regent from independence scheme head to head with political party in local parliament and local bureaucracy. Analisys resulted that independence scheme tends to make political conflict situation worsen. Regent and Vice Regent from independence scheme was not guaranted to create stable and efective local government."

"ABSTRAKAdanya perubahan besaran dan alokasi dari belanja anggaran pemerintah pada tahun pemilu dan menjelang pemilu diketahui terjadi pada tingkat negara, propinsi dan kota. Walaupun dengan derajat yang berbeda terjadi bukan hanya di negara berkembang dengan pengalaman demokrasi yang masih muda namun juga di negara maju dengan kelembagaan dan iklim demokrasi yang lebih matang. Penelitian ini mencoba mengetahui apakah pemilu juga mempengaruhi sisi penerimaan dari anggaran pemerintah. Apakah kepala daerah (bupati/ walikota) petahana yang ikut kembali di pilkada menggunakan juga sisi penerimaan dari APBD untuk tujuan meningkatkan peluang keterpilihan kembali mereka dalam era pilkada langsung di Indonesia.

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ABSTRACT

Significant shift in value and allocation of local government budget at pre and election year empirically identified at country, state, province and municipal/ district level. Found not only in developing or newly democratized countries but also in developed countries with long history of democracy and mature institutionality. Previous studies empirically identified local political budget cycle at expenditure side of local districts budget in Indonesia. This research aimed to investigate impact of local political cycle to revenue side of local budget. Using panel data on 491 districts in Indonesia from 2005 to 2013, utilizing fixed effect method we find empirically significant evidence that local own revenue induced by local direct election."

"[Tesis ini membahas tentang perlunya dilakukan pembatasan kewenangan pemungutan pajak daerah (closed list) pada Pemerintahan Daerah Kabupaten/Kota selaku penyelenggara otonomi daerah yang seluas-luasnya. Pada sisi lain perlu juga dilakukan penambahan basis pemungutan pajak daerah Kabupaten/Kota. Kebijakan pembatasan kewenangan atas pajak daerah ini ditetapkan dalam UU Nomor 28 Tahun 2009 tentang Pajak Daerah dan Retribusi Daerah. Penerapan prinsip “open list” dalam UU Perpajakan Daerah sebelumnya,dirasakan memberatkan masyarakat, pada sisi lain Pendapatan Asli Daerah Kabupaten/Kota rata-rata hanya mencapai kurang dari 10%, oleh karenanya UU Nomor 28 Tahun 2009 merubah prinsip “open list” menjadi “closed list” dan menambah basis pemungutan pajak daerah kabupaten/kota. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan, pembatasan kewenangan diperlukan untuk menjamin kepastian hukum agar pelaksanaan pemungutan pajak tidak menimbulkan penyalahgunaan wewenang dari administrasi pemerintahan. Penambahan basispemungutan pajak telah berdampak positif terhadap peningkatan Pendapatan Asli Daerah, khususnya pada Pemerintahan daerah Kabupaten Bogor. Namun dalam perjalanannya beberapa ketentuan dalam UU Nomor 28 Tahun 2009 dirasakan sudah tidak sesuai dengan perkembangan perubahan sosial oleh karenanya perlu dilakukanpenyesuaian dalam UU ini.;This thesis discusses about the need to limit the local tax collection authority (closed list) on the Regional Government of Regency/City as the administrator of regional autonomy in the widest meaning. On the other hand it is also necessary to addthe local tax collection base of Regency/City. The policy of limitation of local tax collection established in Law No. 28 Year 2009 on Regional Taxes and Levies. Application of the principle of “open list” in the previous law of local taxation is perceived of burdening the public, on the other hand the Regency /City Revenue in average only account for less than 10%, therefore, Law No. 28 of 2009 changed the principle of “open list” to became “closed list” and added the tax collection base of the regency/city. The research results showed that the limitation of authority is necessary to ensure legal certainty that the implementation of tax collection does not cause any abuse of authority of government administration. The addition of the tax collection base has positive impact on the improvement of regional revenue, particularly in Bogor Regency Administration. However, in the course, some provisions of Law No. 28 of 2009 is inconsistent with the development of social change that it is therefore necessary to make adjustments to this Law., This thesis discusses about the need to limit the local tax collection authority(closed list) on the Regional Government of Regency/City as the administrator ofregional autonomy in the widest meaning. On the other hand it is also necessary to addthe local tax collection base of Regency/City. The policy of limitation of local taxcollection established in Law No. 28 Year 2009 on Regional Taxes and Levies.Application of the principle of “open list” in the previous law of local taxation isperceived of burdening the public, on the other hand the Regency /City Revenue inaverage only account for less than 10%, therefore, Law No. 28 of 2009 changed theprinciple of “open list” to became “closed list” and added the tax collection base of theregency/city.The research results showed that the limitation of authority is necessary toensure legal certainty that the implementation of tax collection does not cause anyabuse of authority of government administration. The addition of the tax collectionbase has positive impact on the improvement of regional revenue, particularly inBogor Regency Administration. However, in the course, some provisions of Law No.28 of 2009 is inconsistent with the development of social change that it is thereforenecessary to make adjustments to this Law.]"

"ABSTRAKDisertasi ini dilatarbelakangi dengan seringnya terjadi pemasalahan perbatasan Indonesia-Malaysia yang sangat menganggu keamanan dan kedaulatan NKRI. Ketertinggalan pembangunan perbatasan Indonesia merupakan salah satu penyebab terjadinya permasalahan perbatasan khususnya di Kabupaten Nunukan Kalimantan Utara. Berdasarkan UU No. 43 Tahun 2008 Tentang Wilayah Negara dan Perpres No. 12 Tahun 2010 Tentang Badan Nasional Pengelolaan Perbatasan (BNPP), negara mempunyai kekuasaan dan kewenangan dalam pembangunan perbatasan guna pencapaian masyarakat perbatasan yang sejahtera dan aman. Pemerintah Daerah Kabupaten Nunukan mengusulkan pembangunan jalan, dermaga, listrik, sarana pendidikan, kesehatan dan lainnya sesuai RPJMD tahun 2012-2016 kepada Pemerintah Pusat untuk membuka keterisolasian dan ketertinggalan pembangunan pada 12 wilayah kecamatan perbatasan.Pertanyaan penelitian ini bagaimana peran BNPP dan power interplay antar lembaga, mengapa terjadi perbedaan prioritas kebijakan dan kepentingan Pemerintah Pusat dan Daerah, serta mengapa anggaran minim dan bagaimana respon dan nasionalisme masyarakat perbatasan?Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitiatif dengan jenis penelitian studi kasus. Pengumpulan data melalui studi kepustakaan dan wawancara. Teori Miliband tentang negara memiliki otoritas sebagai teori utama. Teori Distribusi kekuasaan dalam hubungan Pusat-Daerah oleh B.C.Smith, Rondinelli dan Cheema serta teori nasionalisme sebagai teori pendukung dalam kajian ini.Temuan penelitian menunjukkan peran BNPP sebagai lembaga koordinasi. Keanggotaan BNPP di dominasi oleh kementerian dan lembaga negara sehingga terjadi ego sektoral dan power interplay antar lembaga dan pemerintah daerah mengakibatkan BNPP tidak efektif. Perbedaan prioritas kebijakan dan kepentingan program pembangunan infrasruktur perbatasan terjadi, karena kepentingan nasional Pemerintah meliputi aspek politik, keamanan dan strategis geografi. Kepentingan Daerah meliputi membuka isolasi wilayah, pelayanan masyarakat, membangun kawasan ekonomi dan nasionalisme. Anggaran perbatasan minim, dan masyarakat mengalami pergeseran orientasi nasionalisme.Implikasi teoritis menunjukkan bahwa hubungan (distribusi) kekuasaan dan kewenangan Pemerintah Pusat pada Daerah dalam pembangunan infrastruktur perbatasan di Kabupaten Nunukan masih dominasi Pusat. Sesuai dengan teori negara oleh Miliband dan Skocpol, dan Smith tentang distribusi kekuasaan dalam hubungan Pusat-Daerah, sehingga belum memberikan dampak pada kesejahteraan masyarakat dan kemajuan daerah perbatasan Kabupaten Nunukan Kalimantan Utara. Perlu penguatan regulasi dan institusi BNPP serta keberpihakan pemerintah pusat (negara) pada percepatan pembangunan perbatasan

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ABSTRACTThe background of this study is often happen problems in Indonesian-Malaysian borders which very threatened security and sovereignty of NKRI. Underdevelopment in Indonesian border were one of cause Indonesian border problems in Nunukan Regency of North Borneo Province. According State Territorial Policy Number 43, year of 2008 and Presiden Policy Number 12 year of 2010 about National State Institution of Border Management (BNPP), state have outhority in border developments for society prosperity and security. Nunukan Local Goverment had to proposed road developments, port, electric construction, education and health facilities according RPJMD 2012-2016 policy for central Government to opens territorial isolation and underdevelopment in 12 border districs.This research questios, how was the rule of BNPP and power interplay with other institutions, why happen differences of policy priority and Central-Local Goverment intersts. Why were budgets and nationalism border society.This research used kualitatif methods and the case study, data collecting by library studi and interview. State theory by Miliband as main theory, Central-Local Governments Relations by B.C.Smith, Rondinelli and Cheema and nationalism were supports theories in this research.The result of reserch showed that BNPP rule as coordinatif institution, members of BNPP dominant by departements and state institutions so that ego sectoral happen and power interplays with anathor institutions and local government so that BNPP was not efectif. Policy priority defferences and national interests of Central Goverment consists politic aspec, security and strategic geografic. Local Government including to opens isolation territorial, public service, economics development territorial and nationalism.Theoritical implications showed that outhority distributions relations Central Government for Local Government in border infrastructur developments in Nunukan Regency of North Borneo Provinci dominated by Central Government. So that relevants by State theory about authority of Miliband and Skocpol and Central-Local Government distribution theory by Smith. Thus border infrastructur developments by Central Government were not give impacts for society prosperity and local development of Nunukan Regency of North Borneo Provinci. So that must to sthreengtness for regulations and institution of BNPP and aligmants Central Government (state) for border developments accelerations."

"Tesis ini membahas tentang perempuan pedagang dan budaya lokal menghadapi persaingan pasar. Penelitian ini akan menjelaskan situasi pasar dan kondisi perempuan pedagang lokal yang merefleksikan himpitan kapitalisme dan budaya lokal. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan pola berdagang dan strategi perjuangan perempuan pedagang lokal menghadapi himpitan kapitalisme dan budaya lokal. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian berprespektif perempuan dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Penelitian menggunakan metode wawancara mendalam dan observasi. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa persaingan pasar mempengaruhi keberadaan perempuan pedagang lokal serta peran LSM dan pemerintah dalam melindungi kepentingan kelompok perempuan telah dilakukan namun hanya sebatas pelaksanaan program. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini adalah mama-mama pedagang lokal menghadapi persaingan pasar melalui pola berdagang dan strategi perjuangan secara sederhana atau tradisional. Perempuan pedagang lokal juga mengalami ketidakadilan gender yakni marjinilisasi, subordinasi, stereotipe dan beban ganda yang terlihat pada situasi pasar, pekerjaan perempuan pedagang lokal di pasar maupun pekerjaan domestik. Oleh karena itu penelitian ini merekomendasikan untuk mendukung perempuan pedagang lokal melalui advokasi kebijakan yang diatur dalam peraturan daerah (PERDA) terkait proteksi terhadap barang komoditi lokal serta fungsi pemasaran dan juga memastikan perempuan terlindungi dalam implementasi kebijakan UU Otonomi khusus (OTSUS) di Papua. Sehingga perempuan pedagang lokal mampu bersaing dengan pedagang pendatang.

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This thesis discusses of Local Trader-women in facing the crush of capitalism and local culture. This study will clarify the picture and the situation of the market and how the influence of capitalism and local culture affected the condition of Local Trader-women. The purpose of this study is to describe the factual data on the form and the strategies of Local Trader-women's struggle in facing the pressure of capitalism and local culture. This research is a female perspective that uses qualitative approaches. The study uses in-depth interviews and participant observation.

The results of the research found that capitalism and local culture affect the existence of Local Trader-women and the role of NGOs and local government in protecting the interests of women's groups have been carried out yet it was just the implementation of certain program. The conclusion of this research is Local Trader Moms ( Mama-Mama Pedagang Lokal) at Temporary Market of Mama ? Mama Papua are facing capitalism and local culture by using simple struggle strategy or traditionally.

Local Trader-women are also experiencing gender inequity which is marginalization, subordination, stereotyping and double burden that is seen in the situation of the market, the work of Local Trader-women at the market as well as domestic work. Therefore, this study recommends to support Local Trader-women through advocacy of policy in Local Legislation (PERDA) related to the protection of local commodity goods as well as the marketing function and to ensure that women are protected in the in the implementation of the Law on Special Autonomy policy (OTSUS) in Papua. So that Local Trader-women are able to compete with immigrant traders."

"ABSTRAK Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif dengan menggunakan data sekunder yang terdiri dari sumber bahan hukum primer, sumber bahan sekunder dan sumber bahan tersier. Hal yang menjadi permasalahan dalam skripsi ini ialah 1) Pengelolaan Dana Perimbangan di Indonesia, 2) Peran Dana Perimbangan dalam mendukung Otonomi Daerah di Indonesia dan 3) Perbandingan pengelolaan Dana Perimbangan di Kabupaten Bojonegoro dan Kabupaten Tuban pada Tahun Anggaran 2008-2010. Penyelenggaraan otonomi daerah mebawa konsekuensi adanya penyerahan kewenangan dari Pusat kepada Pemerintah Daerah untuk mengurus keuangannya sendiri. Sebagai salah satu bagian dari Transfer ke Daerah, Dana Perimbangan memegang peranan penting dalam mendukung otonomi daerah. Dana Perimbangan diatur dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintahan Daerah, Undang-Undang Nomor 33 Tahun2004 tentang Perimbangan Keuangan Antara Pemerintah Pusat dan Pemerintah Daerah, dan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 55 Tahun 2005 tentang Dana Perimbangan serta beberapa peraturan perundang-undangan lainnya yang terkait. Dana Perimbangan terdiri Dana Bagi Hasil, Dana Alokasi Umum, dan Dana Alokasi Khusus. Setiap komponen tersebut memiliki persentase dan variabel tertentu sebelum didistribusikan kepada pemerintah Daerah. Berdasarkan data APBD Kabupaten Bojonegoro dan Kabupaten Tuban Tahun Anggaran 2008-2010, persentase Dana Perimbangan terhadap total Pendapatan Daerah mencapai lebih dari 70% yang sebagian besar dipergunakan untuk penyelenggaraan urusan wajib dan urusan pilihan dengan mengedepankan sektor pendidikan. Kabupaten Bojonegoro mendapat porsi Dana Perimbangan lebih banyak dibanding Kabupaten Tuban karena ditetapkan sebagai daerah penghasil kehutanan dan pertambangan minyak bumi. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa Dana Perimbangan memang benar-benar sangat mendukung penyelenggaraan otonomi daerah di Indonesia, khususnya di Kabupaten Bojonegoro dan Kabupaten Tuban.

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ABSTRACT This study applying a normative juridical research method using secondary data, which is consist of the primary source of legal materials, secondary source material and tertiary source materials. This thesis is mainly discussed about 1) The Regulation of the Fiscal Balance in Indonesia; 2) The role of the Fiscal Balance in supporting of Regional Autonomy in Indonesia; and 3) Comparison of the management of the Fiscal Balance in Bojonegoro and Tuban in Fiscal Year 2008¬2010. The implementation of Regional Autonomy brought the consequences of the handover of authority from the Central Government to Local Government (expenditure assignment) to manage its own finances. As one part of the Intergovernmental Fiscal Transfer, Fiscal Balance holds an important role in supporting Regional Autonomy. Fiscal Balance regulated in Law of Local Government: Law of The Republic of Indonesia Number 32 of 2004, Law of Fiscal Balance between Central and Local Government : Law of The Republic of Indonesia Number 33 of 2004, and Government Regulation Number 55 of 2005 regarding the Fiscal Balance as well as several other laws and regulations related. Fiscal Balance consist of Revenue Sharing, General Allocation Fund, and Specific Allocation Fund. Each component has a certain percentage and variable before being distributed to local governments. Based on data from Bojonegoro and Tuban's Local Budget in Fiscal Year 2008-2010, the percentage of Fiscal Balance to total local revenue reached more than 70%, which is mostly used for the implementation of compulsory affairs and affairs of the option, with education sector as a main item. Bojonegoro get a portion of Fiscal Balance more than Tuban because forestry and mining of petroleum areas. The conclusion is the Fiscal Balance was indeed strongly support the implementation of Regional Autonomy in Indonesia, especially in Bojonegoro and Tuban. "