Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"Kemal Ataturk's Republic of Turkey was set up in 1923 as a secular state, sweeping political, social, and religious reforms followed. This study sets out the struggle between religion and secularism, and shows how Ataturk laboured for an idealised 'Turkish Islam' stripped of superstition and linked to modern science and positivist philosophy."

"Aceh conflict is widely recognized as one of the most protracted and violent conflicts not only in Southeast Asia, but also in the globe. This study intends to look at the secessionist conflict from he social movement perspective, and specifically from the theoretical instrument of framing process. This study goes a little further by getting engaged with the strategic issue of Islam in the region. In lieu of commonly adopted macro and structural analysis of the conflict, this study methodologically instead applies micro and dynamic analysis of the conflict. In general, this study primarily argues that the framing strategy adopted by Free Aceh Movement (GAM) is clearly secular in nature, and/or far away from the Islam-nuanced religiosity and spirit. However; Islam is often exploited particularly for mass mobilization. The movement"s framing strategy mainly includes natural resources exploitation, ethnic-nationalist vision, universal value of self-determination, the history of Aceh Kingdom and human right violation."

"Sebagian besar pemikir politik Islam klasik, memandang bahwa hubungan agama dan negara adalah satu kesatuan yang organis, yang tidak dapat dipisahkan satu dengan yang lainnya. Bentuk kelembagaan bagi hubungan yang organik tersebut, muncul dalam bentuk khilafah, yang dianggap sebagai representasi sebuah sistem kekuasaan dan pemerintahan Islam, sejak dari zaman Abu Bakar Shidiq hingga berakhirnya kekhalifahan Usmani di Turki. Selama itulah kedudukan khalifah tetap aman dan selalu mendapat legitimasi dari para ulama yang memegang otoritas keagamaan dalam Islam. Kondisi tersebut menggambarkan hubungan antara politik atau kekuasaan dengan agama, sebagai hubungan simbiosis yang sating menguntungkan.Seiring dengan masuknya bangsa Eropa ke Timur Tengah, maka masuk pulalah pemikiran-pemikiran modern di kawasan tersebut. Salah satu diantara pemikiran tersebut adalah Sekularisme. Dengan faham itulah Ataturk di Turki mengejutkan dunia politik Islam dengan menggusur kekhalifahan Usmani yang memang sudah lemah. Menyusul satu tahun kemudian AIi Abd Raziq di Mesir dengan menerbitkan bukunya "Islam wa Ushul al-hukmmr ; Buhl fi al-Khila_;ah wa al-Hukumah fi al-Islam", yang juga inengkritisi eksistensi khilafah yang selama itu "disucikan". Namun keduanya menganggap bahwa khilafah adalah rezim otoritarianisme dan absolutisme yang tidak lagi relevan di zaman modem ini.

---

Mostly classical Islamic political scholar, looking that the relation of religion and state is one organic union, inseparable one with other. Form of the institutution for those relation, emerge in the form of khilafah, what is considered_ to be representation a system of power and Islamic, governance, since Abu Bakar Shidiq till the end of Usmani Emperor in Turki. During that's dimiciling khalifah remain to be peaceful and always get the legitimation from all moslem scholar, whom had holding religious authority in Islam, The Condition depict the relation of between politics or power with religion, as mutual symbiosis a profiting relation.

With the arrival of Europe people to Mid-East area, they bring the new ideology to the area, one of that ideology is Secularisme. With that ideology Ataturk in Turki set the river on fire the Islamic politics by aborting imperium Usmani which is true have weak. One year later, then Ali Abd Raziq in Egypt, also critizied the khilafah power by publishing his book " Islam of Ida Ushul alhuk'n ; Bahs El al-Khilafah wa al-Hukumah fr al-Islwn", which is during that "sanctified". But both assuming that khilafah is regime of otoritarianisme and absolutisme which shall no longger be relevant in this modem epoch.

Both emerging almost at the same time, with the same opinion, and global political in a same condition, regional and national which more or less is equal. Even both dissociated by far distancer, owning different personality, with the different of intellectual background, and of course own the different target, hence non an matter which coincidence happened, if both sudden emerge at the time of and same condition. This is one of reason disturbing to be checked in this thesis."

"This research analyses the contemporary narratives of leftist Islam movements being developed as a counter-narrative to dominant Islamic discourse in Indonesia and Turkey. These leftist Islam movements were introduced under different circumstances in the two countries. In Indonesia, leftist Islam was initially promoted by Islamic scholars who were interacting with Marxist references. This was shown in the cases of Haji Misbach, who was one of Indonesia’s – and the world’s – first leftist Muslim figures. In the case of Turkey, some leftist Islamic movements were inspired by the modern Turkish Marxist movement, which emerged in the middle of the twentieth century and was eventually combined with Islamic elements. This research argues that as both Indonesian and Turkish governments are consolidating their modes of authoritarian neoliberal governance, combined with increasing religiosity, the narratives of leftist Islam are re-emerging as a way to provide socio-political criticisms and to formulate alternative ideas on the role of Islam in improving the livelihood of Muslims in Indonesia and Turkey. This research engages with several cases of leftist Islamic movements in Indonesia and Turkey. In Indonesia, this research takes the examples of FNKSDA (Nahdliyyin Front for Natural Resource Sovereignty) and its media outlet Islam Bergerak (Islam on the Move) which have had an important role in organising leftist Islamic movement in Indonesia during the 2010s. In the case of Turkey, we examine the role of Antikapitalist Müslümanlar (Anti-Capitalist Muslims), also known as Kapitalizmle Mücadele Derneği (Association for Fight against Capitalism). This research identifies the socio-political origins, main ideas, goals, and strategies of the contemporary leftist Islam movements in Indonesia and Turkey."

"This research analyses the contemporary narratives of leftist Islam movements being developed as a counter-narrative to dominant Islamic discourse in Indonesia and Turkey. These leftist Islam movements were introduced under different circumstances in the two countries. In Indonesia, leftist Islam was initially promoted by Islamic scholars who were interacting with Marxist references. This was shown in the cases of Haji Misbach, who was one of Indonesia’s – and the world’s – first leftist Muslim figures. In the case of Turkey, some leftist Islamic movements were inspired by the modern Turkish Marxist movement, which emerged in the middle of the twentieth century and was eventually combined with Islamic elements. This research argues that as both Indonesian and Turkish governments are consolidating their modes of authoritarian neoliberal governance, combined with increasing religiosity, the narratives of leftist Islam are re-emerging as a way to provide socio-political criticisms and to formulate alternative ideas on the role of Islam in improving the livelihood of Muslims in Indonesia and Turkey. This research engages with several cases of leftist Islamic movements in Indonesia and Turkey. In Indonesia, this research takes the examples of FNKSDA (Nahdliyyin Front for Natural Resource Sovereignty) and its media outlet Islam Bergerak (Islam on the Move) which have had an important role in organising leftist Islamic movement in Indonesia during the 2010s. In the case of Turkey, we examine the role of Antikapitalist Müslümanlar (Anti-Capitalist Muslims), also known as Kapitalizmle Mücadele Derneği (Association for Fight against Capitalism). This research identifies the socio-political origins, main ideas, goals, and strategies of the contemporary leftist Islam movements in Indonesia and Turkey."

"Dinamika antara Islam dan nasionalisme di Turki dan Indonesia terjadi karena adanya perspektif yang mendikotomikan antara Islam dengan nasionalisme. Islam dianggap sebagai nilai-nilai yang bersumber dari Tuhan yang bersifat sakral. Sedangkan nasionalisme dianggap sebagai konsensus dan karena itu bersifat profan/sekuler, terlebih kelahirannya dipicu oleh perlawanan terhadap praktik sistem religio-politik integralisme Katholik di abad pertengahan. Pertentangan tersebut kemudian juga diberlakulam kepada seluruh agama, termasuk Islam. Penelitian ini menggunakan pijakan teori hubungan entara agama (Islam) dengan negara yang teruraikan dalam konsepsi negara-Islam, nasionalisme-sekuler, dan nasionalisme-religius. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik analisis deskriptifanalitis. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan mengambil data dari sumber pustaka dan wawancara dengan bebrapa tokoh politik. Data- data tersebut kemudian dideskripsikan, sehingga menunjukkan dinamika antara Islam dan nasionalisme. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa dinamika antara Islam dan nasionalisme di Turki dan Indonesia terjadi dalam organisasi-organisasi masyarakat sipil, partai- partai politik, dan lembaga-lembaga negara/pemerintahan. Dinamika di dalam salah satu institusi berpengaruh Inepada yang lain. Karakter nasionalisme Turki awalnya terbangun berdasarkan prinsip sekularisme laicisme. Dinamika antara Islam dan nasionalisme menyebabkan konvergensi antara keduanya tanpa mengubah konstitusi negara dan melahirkan paradigma baru nasionalisme dengan karakter sekularisme non-laicisme dalam praktik. Bentuk konvergensi antara Islam dan nasionalisme di Turki belum stabil karena sikap politik kalangan Islam belum didasarkan pada landasan teologis (theological statement), melainkan karena penimbangan-penimbangan politik (political statement) untuk menghindari tekanan kekuatan pro-sekularisme. Sedangkan karakter nasionalisme di Indonesia adalah nasionalisme-religius, karena konstitusi dan dasar negara (Pancasila) secara tegas memberikan ruang yang cukup kepada agama. Hanya saja, praktik politik represif rezim Orde Baru dalam periode politik dekade 1980-an terhadap kalangan Islam menghidupkan paradigma politik yang mendikotomikan antara Islam dengan nasionalisme. Umat Islam dicurigai memiliki cita-cita untuk mengembalikan Islam sebagai dasar formal dalam praktik politik-keagamaan. Tekanan rezim menyebabkan sebagian kalangan Islam mengkonstruksi pandangan teologis baru tentang konvergensi antara Islam dan nasionalisme yang berpengaruh kepada penerimaan mayoritas kalangan politik Islam di Indonesia kepada Pancasila berdasarkan pada pandangan teologis (theological statement), bukan sekedar politis (political statement). Implikasi teoritis penelitian ini adalah hubungan antara Islam dengan negara terjadi, negara-Islam dan nasionaIisme-sekuIer tidak berlaku, dan nasionalisme religius semakin menguat. Konsepsi nasionalisme-religius menempatkan agama (Islam) sebagai landasan moral dan etika dalam kehidupan politik kenegaraan.

---

The dynamics between Islam and nationalism in Turkey and Indonesia is due to a dispute between the Islamic view with nationalism. Islam is considered as the values that stem lion: God that is sacred. While nationalism is considered as a consensus and because it is profane / secular, first birth was triggered by the opposition to the practice of integralisrn religio-political system in the medieval Catholic. Conflicts are then also applied to all religions, including Islam.

This research uses theoretical framework of the relation between religion (Islam) with the state described in the conception of state-Islam, nationalism, secular, and nationalist-religious. This study uses qualitative methode with analytical descriptive analysis techniques. Data collection was conducted by collecting data from literature sources and interviews with some political figures. These data are then described, thus showing the dynamics between Islam and Nationalism.

This study found that the dynamic between Islam and nationalism in turkey and Indonesia occurred in in the civil society organizations, political parties, and the institutions of stare / government. Dynamics in one institution inlluent to another. Turkish nationalism awoke Erst character based on the principle of laicisme secularism. The dynamics between Islam and nationalism lcd to convergence between the two withoutchanging the state constitution andgave birth to anew paradigm of nationalism with the character of non-laicisrn secularism in practice. Form of convergence between Islam and nationalism in Turkey is not stable because of political attitudes among muslims are not based on theological foundation (theological statement), but because of political considerations (political statement) to avoid the pressureoftlre pro-secular forces.

While the character of nationalism in Indonesia is a religious nationalism, because the constitution and the basic state (Pancasila) expressly provides enough space for religion. Only, a repressive political practices ofthe New Order regime in the period of the 1980s politics of Islamic political paradigm that contradict switch between Islam and nationalism. Muslims suspected of having to mtore the ideals of lslam as a formal basis in-state political practices. Pressure caused some of the Islamic regime to construct a new theological view about the convergence between Islam and nationalism, which had affected the acceptance among the majority of political Islam in Indonesia to Pancasila are based on theological view (theological statement), not merely political (political statement).

Theoretical implications of this research is the relationship between Islam and the state occurs, the state-Islamic and secular-nationalism does not apply, and religious nationalism intensified. The conception of religious nationalism puts religion (Islam) as the foundation of morals and ethics in the political life of state."

"The revival of religion in many parts of the world and the migration of religious cultures as part of the process of globalization have posed a serious challenge to traditional constitutional secularism. This challenge comes in the form of a political and institutional struggle against secular constitutionalism, and a two pronged assault on the very legitimacy and viability of the concept. On the one hand, constitutional secularism has been attacked as inherently hostile rather than neutral toward religion; and, on the other hand, constitutional secularism has been criticized as inevitably favouring one religion (or set of religions) over others."

"ABSTRAKTesis ini membahas tentang Pengaruh Pemikiran Politik Necmettin Erbakan dalam Islamisasi Politik di Turki pada periode 1970 ndash; 2002. Berdirinya konsep partai politik Islam di Turki tidak bisa dilepaskan dari peran Erbakan sebagai seorang tenokrat yang sekaligus pendiri organisasi milli gorus. Usahanya dalam Islamisasi politik di Turki terbilang cukup gigih meskipun ia dalam praktik politiknya selalu dikudeta oleh rezim militer saat itu. Dalam menganalisa tesis ini, penulis menggunakan dua teori yaitu teori politik Islam dan teori political order. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian deskriptif-analitis dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Dari hasil analisis, dapat diketahui bahwa pemikiran politik Erbakan yang cenderung konservatif, kurang mampu berakselerasi dengan rezim penguasa saat itu. Di lain sisi, kuatnya ideologi Kemalisme yang dijaga ketat oleh para junta militer, pada akhirnya menjadikan keduanya tidak mampu bekerja sama dengan baik.

---

ABSTRACTThis thesis is examine about The Dynamic of Political Islam in Turkey A Case Study of The Influence of Necmettin Erbakan rsquo s Political Thoughts in Politic Islamization in Turkey Periode 1970 ndash 2002 . The establishment of Islamic political party concept in Turkey can not be separated from the role of Erbakan as a technorat that is also the founder of milli gorus organization. His efforts in Islamization of politics in Turkey are quite persistent even though he is in political practice always coupled by the military regime at that time. In analyzing this thesis, the author uses two theories of Islamic political theory and political order theory. This research is descriptive analytical research with the qualitative approach. From the analysis, it can be seen that Erbakan political thought that tends to be conservative, less able to accelerate with the regime at that time. On the other hand, the strong ideology of Kemalism that is closely guarded by the military junta, in the end, makes them unable to cooperate well."