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"The concepts and values that underpin traditional constitutionalism are increasingly being challenged by political realities that place substantial power beyond the state. Among the few certainties of a global economy is the growing incongruity between the political (the world of things that need to be ordered collectively in order to sustain society) and the state (the major institution of authoritative political decision-making during modern times). The consequences, and possible remedies, of this double disjunction of politics and state and of state and constitution form the centre of an open debate about 'constitutionalism beyond the state'. The essays gathered in this collection explore the range of issues raised by this debate. The effects of recent changes on two of the main building blocks of constitutionalism - statehood and democracy - are examined in Parts I and II. Since the movement of overcoming statehood has, arguably, been advanced furthest in the European context, the question of the future of constitutionalist ideas in the framework of the EU provides the key theme of Part III. The remaining parts consider possible transformations or substitutes. The engagement of constitutions with international law offers one line of transmutation of constitutionalism (Part IV) and the diffusion of constitutionalism into separate social spheres provides an alternative way of pursuing constitutionalism in a new key (Part VI). Finally, the ability of the theory of global administrative law (examined in Part V) to offer an alternative account of the potential of jurisdictional control of global governing processes is examined. Through these explorations, the book offers cross-disciplinary insights into the impact of recent political and economic changes on modern constitutionalism and an assessment of the prospects for constitutionalism in a transnational environment"

"The concepts and values that underpin traditional constitutionalism are increasingly being challenged by political realities that place substantial power beyond the state. Among the few certainties of a global economy is the growing incongruity between the political (the world of things that need to be ordered collectively in order to sustain society) and the state (the major institution of authoritative political decision-making during modern times). The consequences, and possible remedies, of this double disjunction of politics and state and of state and constitution form the centre of an open debate about 'constitutionalism beyond the state'. The essays gathered in this collection explore the range of issues raised by this debate. The effects of recent changes on two of the main building blocks of constitutionalism - statehood and democracy - are examined in Parts I and II. Since the movement of overcoming statehood has, arguably, been advanced furthest in the European context, the question of the future of constitutionalist ideas in the framework of the EU provides the key theme of Part III. The remaining parts consider possible transformations or substitutes. The engagement of constitutions with international law offers one line of transmutation of constitutionalism (Part IV) and the diffusion of constitutionalism into separate social spheres provides an alternative way of pursuing constitutionalism in a new key (Part VI). Finally, the ability of the theory of global administrative law (examined in Part V) to offer an alternative account of the potential of jurisdictional control of global governing processes is examined. Through these explorations, the book offers cross-disciplinary insights into the impact of recent political and economic changes on modern constitutionalism and an assessment of the prospects for constitutionalism in a transnational environment"

"The concepts and values that underpin traditional constitutionalism are increasingly being challenged by political realities that place substantial power beyond the state. Among the few certainties of a global economy is the growing incongruity between the political (the world of things that need to be ordered collectively in order to sustain society) and the state (the major institution of authoritative political decision-making during modern times). The consequences, and possible remedies, of this double disjunction of politics and state and of state and constitution form the centre of an open debate about 'constitutionalism beyond the state'. The essays gathered in this collection explore the range of issues raised by this debate. The effects of recent changes on two of the main building blocks of constitutionalism - statehood and democracy - are examined in Parts I and II. Since the movement of overcoming statehood has, arguably, been advanced furthest in the European context, the question of the future of constitutionalist ideas in the framework of the EU provides the key theme of Part III. The remaining parts consider possible transformations or substitutes. The engagement of constitutions with international law offers one line of transmutation of constitutionalism (Part IV) and the diffusion of constitutionalism into separate social spheres provides an alternative way of pursuing constitutionalism in a new key (Part VI). Finally, the ability of the theory of global administrative law (examined in Part V) to offer an alternative account of the potential of jurisdictional control of global governing processes is examined. Through these explorations, the book offers cross-disciplinary insights into the impact of recent political and economic changes on modern constitutionalism and an assessment of the prospects for constitutionalism in a transnational environment"

"Lembaga penasehat dan pertimbangan merupakan lembaga yang memberikan nasehat, pertimbangan, saran, opsi dan usul-usul kepada Presiden. Dahulu lembaga penasehat dan pertimbangan yang ada di dalam konstitusi Indonesia yaitu UUD 1945 adalah Dewan Pertimbangan Agung. Lembaga DPA sudah ada sejak berdirinya atau adanya UUD Negara tahun 1945. Sesuai dengan perkembangan dan jalannya pembangunan bangsa Indonesia, lembaga DPA banyak mengalami perubahan. Dari mulai bernama DPA, kemudian, DPAS, Dewan Nasional dan kembali ke DPA lagi dan sekarang Dewan Pertimbangan Presiden (Wantimpres) mempunyai peran yang sama. Namun dari fungsi serta kedudukan dan jumah anggotanya mengalami perubahan. DPA pada waktu sebelum Perubahan UUD 1945 sebagai Lembaga Tinggi Negara. Namun setelah Perubahan ke empat (4) tahun 2002 UUD 1945, "dewan pertimbangan" ini masuk pada kekuasaan eksekuif (pemerintah). Pada 16 UUD 1945 diamanahkan kepada Presiden untuk membentuk dewan pertimbangan dan diatur dalam undang-undang. Yaitu Undang-Undang No.19 Tahun 2006 tentang Dewan Pertimbangan Presiden, yang lebih dikenal dengan singkatan Wantimpres. Terjadinya perubahan kedudukan dalam struktur ketatanegaraan karena dianggap oleh DPR dan para akademisi dalam sidang perubahan UUD tidak efektif jika masih berada pada posisi sebagai Lembaga Tinggi. Negara. Juga karena adanya dibentuk badan penasehat ekstra konstitusionil oleh Presiden sehingga menimbulkan kesan DPA tidak terlalu dibutuhkan. Maka dari itu dalam perubahan UUD dibuat supaya efektifnya tugas dan fungsi sebagai badan penasehat maka ia diletakkan pada kekuasan Presiden. Lembaga penasehat atau pertimbangann tidak hanya ada di Indonesia, hampir di semua negara, dalam bentuk apapun sistemnya mempunyai lembaga tersebut. Hanya saja berbeda pada peran dan kedudukannya dengan Wantimpres. Wantimpres ini lebih hampir sama dengan zaman Hindia Belanda yaitu Raad van Nederlandseh Indie, yang berhubunan Iangsung dengan Gubernur Jendral. Wantimpres dalam memberikan pertimbangan, saran, opsi maupun usulannya langsung berhubungan dengan Presiden. Karena dalam memberikan pertimbangan tersebut harus bersifat rahasia dan tidak boleh dipublikasikan. Wantimpres pun hanya bertanggung jawab kepada Presider, tidak seperti DPA pada waktu itu memberikan laporan pertanggung jawabannya kepada sidang Tahunan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR) Republik Indonesia. Ia diangkat dan dipilih Iangsung oleh Presiden tanpa ada rekomendasi atau pilihan-pilihan yang diberikan dari DPR. Namun jika dibandingkan dengan Negaranegara lain fungsi dan peran dari dewan pertimbangan atau penasehat ini mempunyai peran yang lebih luas."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengevaluasi bagaimana strategi legitimasi dilakukan PT. Semen Indonesia Tbk dalam rangka memperbaiki legitimasi akibat pembangunan pabrik Rembang yang ditengarai merusak lingkungan. Masalah penelitian muncul akibat pengungkapan perusahaan yang kurang memadai sehingga muncul serangkaian aksi protes. Penelitian ini memiliki kontribusi untuk memahami lebih jauh bagaimana strategi perusahaan dalam menghadapi krisis legitimasi. Penelitian ini juga menggunakan data pengungkapan yang bersifat web-based dan diolah dengan software Nvivo 12 Pro yang masih jarang dilakukan sebelumnya. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori legitimasi, terutama strategi-strategi memperbaiki legitimasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan studi kasus dengan triangulasi data kualitatif dan data kuantitatif, yang keseluruhannya merupakan data sekunder. Data kualitatif dalam penelitian ini merupakan hasil olah data dengan menggunakan software NVivo 12 Pro dari media pengungkapan seperti laporan tahunan, laporan keberlanjutan, websites, berita online, dan akun media sosial perusahaan. Data kuantitatif dalam penelitian ini antara lain: jumlah kata, jumlah kalimat, dan persentase pengungkapan. Temuan dalam penelitian ini adalah strategi "membantah", "justifikasi", "membuat sistem pemantauan", "mengganti personel", "merevisi praktik", dan "menghindari kepanikan" digunakan perusahaan. Strategi "meminta maaf" tidak dilakukan karena perusahaan tidak merasa bersalah. Media yang dominan digunakan adalah pernyataan melalui berita online. Penggunaan media sosial dan sustainability report justru sangat sedikit memperlihatkan upaya legitimasi, membuktikan perusahaan tidak dapat mengoptimalkan seluruh media pengungkapan yang tersedia dalam menghadapi isu yang beredar di masyarakat.

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This study aims to evaluate how the legitimacy strategy was carried out by PT Semen Indonesia Tbk to repair the legitimacy due to the construction of the Rembang plant which was suspected of damaging the environment. Research problems arose due to inadequate company disclosures, resulting in a series of protests. This research has a contribution to understanding further how the company's strategy in facing the crisis of legitimacy. This research also uses web-based disclosure data and is processed with Nvivo 12 Pro software that has never been done before. This research uses legitimacy theory, especially strategies to repair legitimacy. This study uses case studies with triangulation of qualitative data and quantitative data, all of which are secondary data. Qualitative data in this study is the result of data processing using NVivo 12 Pro software from disclosure media such as annual reports, sustainability reports, websites, online-based newspaper, and corporate social media accounts. Quantitative data in this study include the number of words, number of sentences, and percentage of disclosures. The findings in this study were the strategy of "deny", "justify", "create monitors", "replace personnel", "revise practices", and "avoid panic" were used by companies. The strategy of "excuse" is not used because the company does not feel guilty. The dominant media used is a statement through the online-based newspaper. The use of social media and sustainability report shows very minimal legitimacy efforts, meaning the company hasn't optimized all the disclosures media available."

"Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis perubahan gaya retorika dari pidato Presiden Susilo BambangYudhoyono, yang dibawakan di depan peserta The 13th COP/3rd CMP UN Conference on Climate Change di Bali, 2007, untuk memperoleh legitimasi politik. Dengan metodologiAnalisisWacana Kritis yang secara khusus difokuskan pada Teori Linguistik Fungsional Sistemik milik Halliday: Sistem Transitivitas serta Suasana dan Modalitas, penelitian dilakukan dengan membandingkan gaya bahasa kedua pidato. Hasil temuan menunjukkan bahwa ada perbedaan pendekatan pada kedua pidato yang disampaikan melalui subjektivitas dan formasi ideologi pada beberapa isu utama. Hasil tersebut mendemonstrasikan keahlian retorika Yudhoyono yang lebih besar pada pidato kedua dibandingkan dengan pidato pertama. Melalui pidato kedua, dia merangkul seluruh peserta dari berbagai bangsa, yang pada saat itu sedangterlibat dalam perdebatan dramatis,untuk secara kooperatif menyelesaikan tujuan konferensi sehingga pada pidato ini, dia berhasil mencapai legitimasi politik yang lebih tinggi.

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The purpose of this reserach is to figure out the changes on the rhetorical styles of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's speeches, which were given to participants of The 13th COP/3rd CMP UN Conference on Climate Change in Bali, 2007, in order to gain political legitimacy. Framed with the methodology of Critical Discourse Analysis that specifically focuses on Halliday's Systemic Function Linguistic Theory: Transitivity and Mood & Modality, this research compares the linguistic features of two speeches.

The findings reveal that there are different approaches between two speeches that are reflected through Yudhoyono's subjectivity and the ideology formation of several main issues. Finally, it demonstrates Yudhoyono's more skillful use of rethorical strategies in second speech compared to the first one in which he embraced all participants from various nations, who were engaged in a dramatic debate, to cooperatively complete the goal of conference so that he could reach higher level of legitimacy."

"Rencana Pembangunan Jangka Menengah Daerah telah ditetapkan melalui Undang Undang Tentang Sistem Perencanaan Pembangunan Nasional dan Undang Undang Tentang Pemerintahan Daerah agar dibentuk secara partisipatif dengan melibatkan peran serta masyarakat secara langsung melalui forum konsultasi publik dan Musrenbang. Akan tetapi potensi masalah kemudian dihadapi tatkala Raperda RPJMD yang memuat usulan program dari masyarakat harus dievaluasi ulang oleh DPRD yang mana pada fakta kasusnya DPRD DKI Jakarta dalam pembentukan RPJMD di DKI Jakarta menyumbangkan sejumlah program baru di luar yang telah disepakati oleh masyarakat daerah sendiri. Penelitian tesis yang menggunakan metode yuridis normatif ini berisi kesimpulan bahwasanya mekanisme pembahasan Raperda RPJMD oleh DPRD dalam sistem hukum di Indonesia memiliki kecenderungan menjauhi legitimasi demokratis yang ada. Oleh karena itu dalam hal ini dibutuhkan rekonsepsi terhadap mekanisme pendekatan politik dalam pembentukan RPJMD yang diwujudkan melalui pembahasan Raperda RPJMD oleh DPRD agar dapat memenuhi legitimasi demokratis dalam penyusunan sebuah kebijakan yang sesuai dengan sistem hukum di Indonesia.

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The Regional Medium-Term Development Plan has been stipulated through the Law on the National Development Planning System and the Law on Regional Government that can be formed in a participatory manner by involving direct participation through public consultation forums and Development Planning Annual Meeting (Musrenbang). However, potential problems were then faced when the Draft of Regional Law which contained program proposals from the community had to be re-evaluated by the Province or City Council, in which case the DKI Jakarta Council was contributed a number of new programs out from those agreed upon by the community themselves in the formation of the Regional Medium-Term Development Plan in DKI Jakarta. This research that using the normative juridical method contains the conclusion that the Regional Council's evaluation mechanism for the Draft of Regional Law on Regional Medium-Term Development Plan in the legal system in Indonesia tends to move away from existing democratic legitimacy. Therefore in this case, a reconception of the political approach mechanism is needed in the formation of the Regional Medium-Term Development Plan in order to fulfill democratic legitimacy in formulating a policy that is in accordance with the legal system in Indonesia."