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"ABSTRAKThe Timor Gap Treaty on oil and gas management cooperation in some parts of the Timor Sea was full of political intrigues between Australia and Republic of Indonesia, since the treaty which comprises three areas of cooperation was detrimental to Indonesia and it indicated the highest influence of Indonesian Republic by Australia. Renunciation of the treaty due to the independence of Timor Leste after a referendum resulted in the issue of maritime delimitation between Timor Leste and Indonesia. Nevertheless in fact in 2002 the new state declared maritime expansion to a distance of 100 nautical miles measured from the former Timor Gap lines. The result of the expansion was that it potentially reached to Indonesian oil and gas fields located in the westand east of the lines. Apparently the unilateral expansion conducted by the country which from 1975 until 1999 was the 27th province of Indonesian Republic motivated both states to accelerate maritime delimitation aimed at achieving equitable solution. to it, such as the maritime expansion and implementation of the equitable solution principle in maritime delimitation between the twostates after the Timor Gap Treaty.Perjanjian Celah Timor mengenai kerjasama pengelolaan migas di Laut Timor sarat dengan intrik politik antara Australia dan Indonesia, karena ternyata perjanjian yang mencakup tiga zona kerjasama merugikan Indonesia serta menunjukkan kuatnya pengaruh Australia terhadapIndonesia pada masa itu.Pembatalan perjanjian tersebut akibat kemerdekaan Timor Leste setelah referendum menimbulkan isu delimitasi maritim antaraIndonesia dan Timor Leste. Namunternyata pada tahun 2002Timor Leste memperluas secara sepihak zona maritimnya sejauh 100 mil laut dengan menggunakan garis-garis bekas Celah Timor sehingga dikawatirkan berpotensi mencapai ladang migas Indonesia yang berada di sebelah barat dan timur dari garis-garis tersebut. Tampaknya ekspansi sepihak negara yang dari tahun 1975 hingga 1999 merupakan provinsi Republik Indonesia ke27 ini mendorong kedua negara untuk mempercepat dilakukannyaberbagai negosiasi delimitasi maritim, khususnya delimitasi zona ekonomi eksklusif di kawasan tersebut. Artikel ini mengkaji substansi perjanjian Celah Timor dan perluasan maritim negara tetangga dan penerapan prinsip solusi yang berkeadilan dalam menetapkan garis batas maritim kedua negara setelah perjanjian Celah Timor"

"Perjanjian Celah Timor mengenai kerjasama pengelolaan migas di Laut Timor sarat dengan intrik politik antara Australia dan Indonesia, karena ternyata perjanjian yang mencakup tiga zona kerjasama merugikan Indonesia serta menunjukkan kuatnya pengaruh Australia terhadap Indonesia pada masa itu.Pembatalan perjanjian tersebut akibat kemerdekaan Timor Leste setelah referendum menimbulkan isu delimitasi maritim antaraIndonesia dan Timor Leste. Namun ternyata pada tahun 2002Timor Leste memperluas secara sepihak zona maritimnya sejauh 100 mil laut dengan menggunakan garis-garis bekas Celah Timor sehingga dikawatirkan berpotensi mencapai ladang migas Indonesia yang berada di sebelah barat dan timur dari garis-garis tersebut. Tampaknya ekspansi sepihak negara yang dari tahun 1975 hingga 1999 merupakan provinsi Republik Indonesia ke27 ini mendorong kedua negara untuk mempercepat dilakukannya berbagai negosiasi delimitasi maritim, khususnya delimitasi zona ekonomi eksklusif di kawasan tersebut. Artikel ini mengkaji substansi perjanjian Celah Timor dan perluasan maritim negara tetangga dan penerapan prinsip solusi yang berkeadilan dalam menetapkan garis batas maritimkeduanegara setelah perjanjian Celah Timor."

"Fokus dari tesis ini di sini adalah Laut Timor yang merupakan daerah terbesar di mana zona maritim negara negara tetangga tumpang tindih satu sama lain yaitu Indonesia Australia dan Timor Leste Tumpang tindih yurisdiksi ini disebabkan karena prinsip yang berbeda dari batas maritim delimitasi diadopsi oleh negara negara yang berbeda Itu wajar bahwa setiap negara akan mengadopsi prinsip prinsip delimitasi batas maritim yang paling sesuai dengan kebutuhan mereka masing masing negara yang terlibat akan gigih dan keras kepala dalam memegang posisi masing masing dan kesepakatan bersama belum pernah tercapai meskipun adanya negosiasi dan perdebatan yang luas diantara para pihak Melalui tesis ini kita akan pergi melalui pengembangan negosiasi dan kesepakatan yang berkaitan dengan masalah ini yang mengakibatkan beberapa perumusan perjanjian bilateral Selanjutnya tesis ini akan mengeksplorasi pembentukan Zona Pengembangan Bersama Joint Development Zone sebagai tindakan sementara untuk mengeksploitasi sumber daya alam yang tersedia dari wilayah sengketa Ini akan membuat semua klaim atas batas delimitasi maritim ditahan sementara negara negara tetangga akan bekerja sama untuk memanfaatkan sumber daya tersebut Tesis ini akan menunjukkan apakah skema tersebut memang akan menguntungkan atau kurang menguntungkan bagi pihak yang terlibat Tujuan dari tesis ini adalah untuk menemukan solusi optimal untuk menyelesaikan sengketa yang sedang berlangsung pada klaim batas maritim untuk selamanya.

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The focus of this thesis here is the Timor Sea, which represent the largest area where the maritime zones of neighboring countries overlapping each other, namely Indonesia, Australia and Timor Leste. This overlapping of jurisdiction is caused due to different principles of maritime boundaries delimitation adopted by different countries. It is natural that each country will adopt principles of maritime boundaries delimitation that will best suit their needs, each countries involved are persistent and stubborn in holding their respective positions and mutual agreement has never been reached albeit such extensive and contentious negotiations among the parties.

Through this thesis, we will go through the development of negotiations and agreements relating to this issue that resulted in the formulation of multiple bilateral treaties. Furthermore, this thesis is going to explore the establishment of Joint Development Zone (JDZ) as temporary provisional measures to exploit available natural resources from the disputed area. This will put all maritime boundary delimitation claims on hold while neighboring countries will cooperate to utilize such resources. This thesis will show whether such scheme will indeed be beneficial or less beneficial for the parties involved. The purpose of this thesis is to find the optimal solution to settle this ongoing dispute on maritime boundary delimitation claims once and for all."

"Maritime Delimitation as a Judicial Process is the first comprehensive analysis of judicial decisions, state practice and academic opinions on maritime boundary delimitation. For ease of reading and clarity, it follows this three-stage approach in its structure. Massimo Lando analyses the interaction between international tribunals and states in the development of the delimitation process, in order to explain rationally how a judicially-created approach to delimit maritime boundaries has been accepted by states. Pursuing a practical approach, this book identifies disputed points in maritime delimitation and proposes solutions which could be applied in future judicial disputes. In addition, the book engages with the underlying theories of maritime delimitation, including the relationship between delimitation and delineation, the effect of third states' rights on delimitation, and the manner in which each stage of the process influences the other stages."

"Kemerdekaan Timor Leste tentunya membawa sebuah konsekuensi hukum yaitu penetapan batas wilayah. Penetapan batas wilayah dilakukan dengan tujuan agar suatu negara dapat menjalankan kedaulatan penuhnya untuk melakukan eksplorasi dan eksploitasi sumber daya alam baik hayati maupun non-hayati demi keamanan, keselamatan dan kesejahteraan warga negaranya Sejak Timor Leste merdeka pada tahun 2002, Indonesia dan Timor Leste telah melakukan segala daya upayanya untuk menentukan batas wilayahnya baik di darat maupun di laut. Segmen Oecusse merupakan sebuah wilayah enclave dari Timor Leste yang berada di wilayah Indonesia sehingga wilayah laut teritorial Timor Leste di Segmen Oecusse tumpang tindih dengan wilayah laut kepulauan Indonesia. Karena merupakan negara bekas jajahan, penentuan batas wilayah darat Indonesia dan Timor Leste mengikuti hak historis yang telah ditentukan sesuai dengan Perjanjian Batas Darat antara Pemerintah Belanda dan Pemerintah Portugis. Namun, untuk wilayah laut belum ada perjanjian yang mengatur batas wilayah laut antara Indonesia dan Timor Leste dari jaman penjajahan hingga saat ini yang mengakibatkan terjadi ketidakjelasan mengenai yurisdiksi hukum di wilayah batas laut tersebut. Menurut Pasal 15 UNCLOS 1982, apabila pantai dari dua negara berhadapan atau berdampingan, maka dapat menggunakan garis sama jarak untuk metode penetapan batas wilayah lautnya, namun apabila terdapat hak historis atau keadaan khusus lainnya sesuai dengan kesepakatan kedua belah pihak, maka diperkenankan untuk menggunakan cara lain. Selain metode sama jarak, terdapat metode lain dalam penentuan batas wilayah laut yakni parallel and meridian, enclaving, perpendicular, parallel line, natural boundary method, three-stage approach, dan four stage approach

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Timor Leste's independence certainly brings a legal consequence, namely the determination of territorial boundaries. The determination of territorial boundaries is carried out with the aim that a country can exercise its full sovereignty to explore and exploit natural resources, both living and non-biological, for the security, safety and welfare of its citizens. The Oecusse segment is an enclave area of Timor Leste which is in Indonesian territory so that the Timor Leste territorial sea area in the Oecusse Segment overlaps with the Indonesian archipelagic sea area. Because it is a former colony, the determination of the land boundaries between Indonesia and Timor Leste follows historical rights that have been determined in accordance with the Land Boundary Agreement between the Dutch and Portuguese Governments. However, for the sea area there has been no agreement regulating sea boundaries between Indonesia and Timor Leste from the colonial era to the present which has resulted in unclear legal jurisdiction in these maritime boundary areas. According to Article 15 of UNCLOS 1982, if the coasts of two countries face or side by side, then they can use equal distance lines for the method of delimiting their sea boundaries, but if there are historical rights or other special circumstances in accordance with the agreement of both parties, it is permissible to use another method. In addition to the equal distance method, there are other methods for determining sea boundaries, namely parallel and meridian, enclaving, perpendicular, parallel line, natural boundary method, three-stage approach, and four-stage approach."

"Summary: "Equity emerged as a powerful symbol of aspired redistribution in international relations. Operationally, it has had limited impact in the Westphalian system of nation states - except for maritime boundary delimitations. This book deals with the role of equity in international law, and offers a detailed case study on maritime boundary delimitation in the context of the enclosure movement in the law of the sea"

"This volume of essays casts light on the shape and future direction of the EU in the wake of the Lisbon Treaty and highlights the incomplete nature of the reforms. Contributors analyse some of the most innovative and most controversial aspects of the Treaty, such as the role and nature of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights and the relationship between the EU and the European Court of Human Rights. In addition, they reflect on the ongoing economic and financial crisis in the Euro area, which has forced the EU Member States to re-open negotiations and update a number of aspects of the Lisbon 'settlement'. Together, the essays provide a variety of insights into some of the most crucial innovations introduced by the Lisbon Treaty and in the context of the adoption of the new European Financial Stability Mechanism"-- Provided by publisher."To remain masters of their destiny, six European countries agreed to establish among themselves a European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957. To remain masters of their creation, the national governments devised a rather unique institutional system whose fundamental features can only be amended by unanimity. In fact, to enter into force, any amendment made to the European founding treaties has always required ratification by all the Member States in accordance with their respective constitutional requirements. Remarkably, this demanding procedural requirement has not precluded a spectacular 'widening' of the membership of what is now known as the European Union (EU) as well as a considerable 'deepening' of the competences conferred on the EU by its Member States. Indeed, from an organisation originally consisting of six countries with a narrow focus on economic matters, the EU has grown beyond recognition. Its 27 Member States now pursue an extensive and diverse set of objectives amongst which one may mention the promotion of balanced and sustainable development of economic activities, the implementation of a common foreign and security policy and the tackling of cross-border crime. In order to effectively pursue these objectives, the EU has also gradually gained the power to legislate in the areas of monetary policy, social policy, environment, consumer protection, asylum and immigration, amongst other things"-- Provided by publisher.Contents Machine generated contents note: Introduction Diamond Ashiagbor, Nicola Countouris and Ioannis Lianos; 1. The institutional development of the EU post-Lisbon: a case of plus ça change...? Laurent Pech; 2. Competence after Lisbon: the elusive search for bright lines Takis Tridimas; 3. The Charter, the ECJ and national courts P. P. Craig; 4. Accession of the EU to the ECHR: who would be responsible in Strasbourg? Tobias Lock; 5. EU citizenship after Lisbon Niamh Nic Shuibhne; 6. The law and politics of migration and asylum: the Lisbon Treaty and the EU Sabina Anne Espinoza and Claude Moraes; 7. The European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy after Lisbon Panos Koutrakos; 8. The European Ombudsman and good administration post-Lisbon P. Nikiforos Diamandouros, European Ombudsman; 9. European contract law after Lisbon Lucinda Miller; 10. Competition law in the European Union after the Treaty of Lisbon Ioannis Lianos; 11. The unexpected revision of the Lisbon Treaty and the establishment of a European Stability Mechanism Jean-Victor Louis."