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"Malaya attained independence on August 31, 1957 fromBritain. However this new nation faced a communist insurgencyknown today as the ?Malayan Emergency? (1948-1960). Thenin 1961, Tunku announced a wider federation of ?Malaysia?,viz. Malaya, British Crown Colonies of Singapore, Sarawakand North Borneo, and the protectorate of Brunei. Counteringcommunism was a principal motive for ?Malaysia?.Sarawak?s leftist elements were rejected with an armedopposition. Malaysia was formed excluding Brunei. Amidstits birth pangs, Malaysia faced hostile neighbors Indonesiaand the Philippines; the former objected by way ofKonfrontasi (1963-1967) while the latter laid claim to Sabah(formerly North Borneo). Malaya/ Malaysia was borne in themidst of the Cold War (1947?1991), a bipolar world betweenthe US and the USSR. Malaya/Malaysia is utilized as a caseof analysis and evaluation in the context of the twin trendsof continuities and transformations in tracing the historicaldevelopments from the 1950?s to the 1990?s. The risks,motives, and challenges that prompted the shift in foreignrelations reveal as much of the personality of the political leadership, the prevailing situations, and conditions fromwithin and circumstances from without."

"Penelitian ini ingin membahas perkembangan teori Democratic Peace pasca Perang Dingin. Periode tersebut dipilih karena terjadi peningkatan jumlah negara demokrasi yang signifikan, dan runtuhnya Uni Soviet yang merupakan musuh bersama negara-negara demokrasi. Penelitian ini akan menggunakan metode kajian pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan pendapat para akademisi yang beragam mengenai teori Democratic Peace pasca Perang Dingin. Para akademisi yang mendukung penerapan teori Democratic Peace pasca Perang Dingin memiliki dua argumen utama, yaitu landasan normatif dan struktural demokrasi. Sementara para akademisi yang mengkritik teori tersebut mempunyai tiga sanggahan utama: (1) operasionalisasi konsep yang bermasalah, (2) landasan normatif dan struktural yang bermasalah, dan (3) relasi demokrasi dan perdamaian yang bermasalah.

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This research will analyze the development of Democratic Peace Theory post Cold War. That period has been chosen because it witnessed an increasing spike of new democracies, and the fall of Soviet Union, which were the common enemy for the democracies. This research will use literature review methods. The result of the research shows the variety of arguments presented. Those who support the notion of Democratic Peace post Cold War have two main arguments, the normative and structural foundation in democracies. While those who criticize the idea of Democratic Peace have three main rebuttals: (1) issues in concept operations, (2) issues in the normative and structural foundations, and (3) issues in the relations between democracy and peace."

"ABSTRAKSejak awal berdirinya, Indonesia sering diasosiasikan sebagai pemimpin di institusi kawasan Asia Tenggara, The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Berakhirnya Perang Dingin membuat peran yang dilakukan Indonesia semakin beragam. Tulisan ini akan melihat posisi Indonesia dan kondisi lingkungan yang mendorong Indonesia dalam menjalankan peran di ASEAN. Secara kronologis, tulisan ini akan melihat peran Indonesia di ASEAN pada masa Orde Baru pasca Perang Dingin, peran Indonesia di ASEAN pada masa krisis ekonomi Asia 1997, dan peran Indonesia di ASEAN pada masa pasca krisis ekonomi 1997. Tinjauan pustaka ini berusaha untuk menunjukkan konsensus, perdebatan, dan kesenjangan akademis dalam topik ini. Dari pemetaan literatur yang dilakukan, dapat disimpulkan bahwa pada masa Orde Baru pasca Perang Dingin, Indonesia tetap mampu menginisiasi kerja sama di ASEAN walaupun signifikansi ASEAN sempat dipertanyakan. Pada masa krisis ekonomi Asia 1997, krisis ekonomi, kebakaran hutan, dan instabilitas politik di Indonesia menjadi sumber masalah di ASEAN. Krisis tersebut membuat Indonesia berperan pasif di ASEAN. Pasca krisis, Indonesia kembali menunjukkan kepemimpinannya dengan menginisiasi Komunitas ASEAN maupun memediasi konflik di kawasan, salah satunya adalah kasus Preah Vihear. Namun pada periode pertama pemerintahan Presiden Joko Widodo, Indonesia dinilai tidak lagi memprioritaskan ASEAN dalam kebijakan luar negerinya. Indonesia berfokus pada urusan dalam negeri dan mencoba berperan lebih di tingkat internasional. Secara umum, peran Indonesia di ASEAN didominasi di sektor keamanan dan politik. Kajian literatur menunjukkan bahwa kepentingan, kepemimpinan, dan dinamika politik internal dan internasional memengaruhi peran yang dilakukan Indonesia di ASEAN.

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ABSTRACTSince its inception, Indonesia has often been associated as a leader in the institution of the Southeast Asian region, The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The end of the Cold War made Indonesia's role more diverse. This paper will look at Indonesia's position and environmental conditions that are driving Indonesia to play a role in ASEAN. Chronologically, this paper will look at Indonesia's role in ASEAN during the post-Cold War New Order, Indonesia's role in ASEAN during the 1997 Asian economic crisis, and Indonesia's role in ASEAN in the post-1997 economic crisis period. This literature review seeks to show consensus, debate, and academic gaps in this topic. From the literature mapping conducted, it can be concluded that in the post-Cold War New Order era, Indonesia was still able to initiate cooperation in ASEAN even though the significance of ASEAN was questioned. During the 1997 Asian economic crisis, the economic crisis, forest fires and political instability in Indonesia were a source of problems in ASEAN. The crisis made Indonesia a passive role in ASEAN. After the crisis, Indonesia again showed its leadership by initiating the ASEAN Community and mediating conflicts in the region, one of which was the Preah Vihear dispute. But in the first period of President Joko Widodo's administration, Indonesia was considered to no longer prioritize ASEAN in its foreign policy. Indonesia focuses on domestic affairs and tries to play a greater role at the international level. In general, Indonesia's role in ASEAN is dominated in the security and political sectors. The literature study shows that the interests, leadership, and dynamics of internal and international politics influence the role of Indonesia in ASEAN."

"Tulisan ini akan melihat perkembangan kehadiran Amerika Serikat (AS) di kawasan Laut China Selatan semenjak berakhirnya Perang Dingin. Dengan mengeksplorasi literatur-literatur yang membahas hal tersebut, penulis berharap mampu menghasilkan suatu gambaran yang utuh terkait dengan evolusi kehadiran AS beserta dengan kebijakan luar negeri yang dibuat oleh AS terkait dengan isu Laut China Selatan. Pembahasan terhadap ke-34 literatur yang diangkat dalam tinjauan literatur ini kemudian menghasilkan sejumlah temuan berupa: (1) misi naval presence United States Navy (USN/AL AS) merupakan komponen penting dari strategi kebijakan luar negeri AS; (2) terdapat peningkatan kehadiran AS di kawasan Laut China Selatan dalam beberapa waktu terakhir, meskipun hal ini terbukti gagal untuk membendung perilaku agresif China sebagai akibat dari ketiadaan strategi raya yang mendasari kebijakan luar negeri AS di kawasan serta keengganan AS untuk membangun suatu kerja sama ekonomi dengan negara-negara di kawasan; (3) peningkatan kapabilitas sistem anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) China membuat AS harus mencari strategi baru untuk bisa mempertahankan kebebasan operasionalnya di kawasan yang berujung pada lahirnya strategi Air-Sea Battle (ASB); (4) diperlukan kerja sama yang lebih erat dengan negara-negara di kawasan apabila AS ingin membendung China. Sementara itu, terdapat pula sejumlah celah penelitian yang berhasil diidentifikasi oleh penulis, utamanya yang berkaitan dengan pengembangan kapabilitas AS dalam menghadapi praktik grey zone oleh China, termasuk pelibatan penjaga pantai AS dalam Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs).

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This literature review will take a closer look at the evolution of the United States’ presence in the South China Sea region since the end of the Cold War. By exploring works of literature that discussed this particular issue, the writer hopes that this literature review will be able to provide a comprehensive understanding regarding the evolution of US presence and foreign policies in the South China Sea region. After analyzing the 34 pieces of literature discussed in this literature review, the writer argues that: (1) the naval presence mission of the United States Navy (USN) is an important component in US foreign policy strategy; (2) an increase in US presence in the South China Sea could be seen in recent times, although it has to be admitted that this surge in US presence has proven ineffective in curbing China’s aggressive behavior as a result of the absence of a comprehensive grand strategy that underlies US foreign policy in the region and US’ reluctance to establish a comprehensive economic cooperation with its allies and partners in the region; (3) the increasing capabilities of China’s anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) system have compelled the US to seek new strategies to maintain its operational freedom in the region, resulting in the emergence of the Air-Sea Battle (ASB) strategy; (4) establishing closer cooperation with countries in the region is a must if the US wants to contain China. The writer also identifies several research gaps, particularly concerning the development of US capabilities in dealing with China’s grey zone practices in the region, which could also include the involvement of the US Coast Guard in Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs)."

"In 1989-90 the map of Europe was transformed peacefully-without a war, unlike other great ruptures of the international order such as 1815, 1870, 1918, and 1945. What role did international summitry play in the dénouement of the cold war? So far scholars have focused on long-term systemic factors, Gorbachevs reform agenda, or the impact in 1989 of people power. This major multinational study, based on archives from both sides of the Iron Curtain, adopts a novel perspective by exploring the contribution of international statecraft to the dissolution of Europes bipolar order. This is done through the examination of key summit meetings from 1970 to 1990 across three phases Thawing the cold war, living with the cold war, and transcending the cold war and in three main strands: the superpowers and arms control, their triangular relationship with China, and the German question. The threads are drawn together in a sweeping analytical conclusion. The book includes fascinating insights into key statesman such as Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, Leonid Brezhnev and Mikhail Gorbachev, Willy Brandt and Helmut Kohl, Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping, both as thinkers about the international system and also practitioners of summit bargaining. Particular attention is devoted to the cultural dimensions of summitry, as performative acts for the media and as engagement with the other across ideological divides. Written in lively prose, this book is essential reading for those interested in modern history, contemporary politics, and international relations addressing issues that still shape the world today."

"Following Heonik Kwon, this article explores the social and cultural underpinnings of the Cold War (and Cambodia’s stance of neutrality in relation to it) as illustrated through the life of a colorful Cambodian monk, Dharmawara Mahathera. Long resident in India, Dharmawara became a confidant of Norodom Sihanouk as the latter negotiated independence and Cambodia’s new geopolitical realities. Dharmawara was one point of connection between Sihanouk and India at the time Sihanouk was drawn to a position of neutrality and to the Non-Aligned Movement associated with Jawaharlal Nehru and Zhou Enlai, and his story illuminates some of the cultural interface underlying the politics. He would assume a profile in emerging institutions of international Buddhism, such as the World Fellowship of Buddhists, which in their own way related to developing geopolitics. He subsequently attracted the attention of American diplomats in Cambodia in ways that illustrate something of how the Cold War came to be negotiated on the ground. His tensions with the Cambodian monastic hierarchy help us better understand the latter’s role at a historical conjuncture. I argue that Dharmawara helps us understand Sihanouk’s emerging philosophy of “Buddhist socialism.”"

"Berlin sebagai ibukota Jerman tidak hanya dikenal dengan peninggalan historis dalam bentuk budaya material (material culture) seperti monumen atau bangunan dengan gaya arsitektur tertentu, tetapi juga menyimpan kisah spionase dunia pada era Perang Dingin. Sebagai “pusat pertarungan“ ideologi Perang Dingin, Berlin sangat lekat diasosiasikan dengan spionase. Kesan ini sering diangkat sebagai tema berbagai produk media, baik yang diproduksi di dalam atau luar Jerman. Salah satu produk media populer yang mengangkat tema spionase di Berlin adalah serial manga Spy X Family (2019) karya Tetsuya Endo. Penggambaran kota Berlint dalam serial manga ini dapat dimaknai sebagai representasi Berlin pada era Perang Dingin. Dengan menganalisis serial manga ini secara semiotik, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memperlihatkan bagaimana Berlin sebagai wilayah sentral pada era Perang Dingin direpresentasikan dalam budaya populer. Analisis semiotik terhadap penggambaran landscape dan kehidupan di kota Berlint dalam manga Spy X Family ini merepresentasikan kota Berlin sebagai pusat spionase yang tertata rapi dan menyediakan ruang tinggal yang layak bagi penduduknya.

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Berlin is not only known for its historical heritage in the form of material culture, such as monuments or buildings with a particular architectural style, but also for keeping stories of world espionage during the Cold War era. As the arena of ideology contestation of the Cold War, Berlin is closely associated with espionage. This impression is often used as the theme of various media products produced inside and outside Germany. One of the popular media products with the theme of espionage in Berlin is the manga series Spy X Family (2019) by Tetsuya Endo. The depiction of the city of Berlint in this manga series can be interpreted as a representation of Berlin during the Cold War era. By analyzing this manga series semiotically, this study aims to reveal how Berlin, as a central region during the Cold War era, was represented in popular culture. This semiotic analysis of the depiction of landscape and life in the city of Berlint in the Spy X Family manga represents the city of Berlin as an espionage center that is neatly arranged and provides decent living space for its inhabitants."

"Penelitian ini menempatkan Indonesia di antara hubungannya dengan kedua Korea sebagai fokus utama. Indonesia merupakan satu dari sedikit negara di dunia yang mengakui dan menjalin hubungan diplomatik dengan kedua Korea sekaligus, terkhusus pada masa Perang Dingin. Posisi diplomatiknya yang strategis tersebut membawa Indonesia dapat memainkan kepentingan nasionalnya terhadap kedua Korea. Hal itu terlihat dari banyak kebijakan diplomatiknya dalam kurun Perang Dingin. Kebijakan dan arah politik luar negeri Indonesia terhadap kedua Korea itu diejawantahkan dengan baik oleh para aktor utama dalam negeri. Para aktor tersebut di antaranya Soeharto, Adam Malik, Soedjono Hoemardani, Benny Moerdani, Ali Moertopo, dan Slamet Danusudirjo. Penelitian ini mengunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri atas empat tahap yakni heuristik, kritik, interpretasi dan historiografi. Dalam proses interpretasi, penelitian ini menggunakan konsep sejarah transnasional yang diperkenalkan oleh Akira Iriye. Sedangkan dalam tahap historiografi penelitian ini meminjam konsep struktur dari Anthony Giddens, konsep aktor dari Mochtar Masoed dan teori pengambilan keputusan dari Richard Snyder. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa Indonesia selama kurun Perang Dingin telah menjadi negara yang mampu memanfaatkan konflik Semenanjung Korea sebagai instrumen untuk memenuhi kepentingan nasionalnya. Indonesia ibarat bandul yang berdiri di antara dua bandul lainnya dalam sebuah pendulum. Indonesia bergerak condong ke salah satu Korea mengikuti kepentingan nasionalnya.

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This study places Indonesia in the middle of its relations with the two Koreas as the primary focus. Its also examining Indonesia's role as one of the few countries in the world that recognises and establishes diplomatic relations with both Koreas at once, especially during the Cold War. This study explores Indonesia's strategic diplomatic position, which enables it to pursue its national interests towards the two Koreas. It was evidenced by its numerous diplomatic policies during the Cold War. The Indonesian government's approach towards the two Koreas is characterised by the actions of prominent domestic actors, including Soeharto, Adam Malik, Soedjono Hoemardani, Benny Moerdani, Ali Moertopo, and Slamet Danusudirjo. This study used a historical method consisting of four stages: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The interpretation process employs the concept of transnational history, as introduced by Akira Iriye, while the historiography stage draws upon the concept of structure from Anthony Giddens, the concept of actors from Mochtar Masoed, and the decision making theory from Richard Snyder.The study's findings indicate that during the Cold War, Indonesia utilised the Korean Peninsula conflict as a means to pursue its national interests. Indonesia finds itself in a position that could be likened to that of a pendulum, oscillating between two other pendulums. It appears that Indonesia is pursuing a course that aligns with its national interests, moving closer to one of the Koreas."

"ABSTRAKTulisan ini berusaha mengkaji perkembangan literatur mengenai perluasan pengaruh Cina di kawasan Oseania pasca Perang Dingin dengan melihat respons Australia sebagai regional power. Tulisan ini mengelompokkan literatur-literatur tersebut dengan menggunakan metode taksonomi ke dalam dua tema besar yang menjadi permasalahan akademisi, yaitu: perluasan pengaruh Cina di kawasan Oseania, dan respons Australia terhadap perluasan Cina. Dalam tema besar pertama, para akademisi melihat adanya kepentingan ekonomi dan politik Cina sehingga melakukan pendekatan terhadap negara kawasan Oseania. Cina dilihat memperluas pengaruhnya hingga ke kawasan Oseania seiring dengan konteks kebangkitan Cina (the Rise of China). Literatur menunjukkan bahwa Cina berupaya meningkatkan kekuatan ekonominya tersebut melalui perluasan pengaruh ke kawasan Oseania. Cina melakukan optimalisasi potensi-potensi kawasan Oseania guna meningkatkan kekuatannya di tingkat global. Perluasan tersebut dilakukan Cina dengan membentuk upaya penempatan diri terhadap negara kawasan. Pada tema besar kedua, sebagai regional power, Australia memiliki pandangan tersendiri mengenai perluasan pengaruh Cina di kawasan Oseania dan merespons upaya perluasan pengaruh Cina tersebut. Australia melihat upaya perluasan pengaruh Cina di kawasan Oseania sebagai ancaman tetapi potensial secara ekonomi, sehingga Australia melakukan kerja sama bilateral dengan Cina serta melakukan hedging dengan Amerika Serikat. Oleh karena itu, secara garis besar dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa terjadi proses pendekatan Cina ke negara kawasan Oseania dalam rangka memperluas pengaruhnya ke kawasan. Akan tetapi, pandangan mengenai perluasan pengaruh Cina di kawasan Oseania di dominasi oleh akademisi Australia dan kurangnya tulisan akademisi dari negara kawasan Oseania sehingga dibutuhkan penelitian lebih lanjut di masa depan.

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ABSTRACTThis paper seeks to discuss the literature about the extent of Chinas influence in the Oceania post-Cold War era with the back of Australia as a regional power. This paper organizes the literatures based on the taxonomy classification method and finding two big themes: the expansion of Chinas influence in Oceania and the response of Australia as a regional power. For the first one, scholars regard the economic and political motives of China so that she is approaching the Oceanian countries. China has been seen to extend her influence into Oceania within the context of the Rise of China. The literature shows that China is gaining her economic power through optimizing the Oceanian potentials. By that, China is laying a connection with the Oceanian countries. For the second one, as the regional power, Australia has her own perspective towards Chinas influence in Oceania. Australia has seen Chinas influence in Oceania as a threat and economically potential, so Australia does cooperation bilaterally with China and hedging with the United States. Therefore, this paper concludes that in general there have been certain processes undertaken by China in approaching Oceanian countries in order to extend her influence. However, this the perspective of Chinas influence extension has been dominated by Australian scholars and the needs of other perspective leads to further research needed."

"ABSTRAKDi era globalisasi pada masa pasca Perang Dingin, negara-negara semakin perlu untuk melakukan kerja sama di bidang industri pertahanan akibat adanya hambatan ekonomi, politik, dan sosial. Dalam tulisannya, penulis bertujuan untuk mengkaji literatur mengenai kerja sama industri pertahanan internasional dan selanjutnya menganalisis karakter hubungan yang tercipta. Dalam pembahasannya, literatur tersebut kemudian penulis kategorisasikan berdasarkan tipologi motif pelaksanaan kerja sama industri pertahanan menurut Widjajanto, et al. (2012) yang meliputi motif anggaran, teknologi, dan pasar. Hasil temuan berdasarkan tinjauan literatur menunjukkan bahwa kategorisasi juga dapat dilakukan melalui sifat hubungan regional, multilateral, maupun bilateral dalam kerangka aliansi, kemitraan strategis, dan juga atas dasar proyek. Melalui tinjauan terhadap literatur, diketahui bahwa sebagian besar hubungan kerja sama didasarkan atas motif atau kepentingan teknologi dan sifat hubungan bilateral menjadi kondisi yang lebih efektif untuk melaksanakan kerja sama. Temuan baru yang diidentifikasi penulis adalah pelaksanaan kerja sama industri pertahanan juga dapat turut dilaksanakan melalui motif persamaan ancaman.

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ABSTRACT

In the era of globalization of the post-Cold War time, countries increasingly need to collaborate in defense industry sector due to economic, political and social barriers. In this paper, the author aimed to review the literatures on international defense industry cooperation and further analyzed the character of the relationships that are created. In the discussion, the author then categorized the literature based on the typologies of the motives for implementing defense industry cooperation according to Widjajanto, et al. (2012), which consists of budget, technology, and market motives. The findings based on the literature review indicated that categorization can also be made through the nature of regional, multilateral, and bilateral relations within the framework of alliances, strategic partnerships, and project-based program. Through the review, it is known that most cooperative relationships are based on technological motives or interests and the nature of bilateral relations is a more effective condition for carrying out cooperation. The new finding identified by the author is that the implementation of the defense industry cooperation can also be made through the threat motive."