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"Based on data from fieldwork in Mentawai, this article discusses the researcher?s interest in traditional medicine actors among the Mentawai people, namely Sekerei. The appeal of a Sekerei is realized through their modest daily lives, despite the effect these days of power from outside and modernity, that has so heavily eroded the local knowledge available. Sekerei are diminishing numbers, and medicinal herb findings are diminishing annually, showing that traditional healers have been split into two parts, namely fixed synergized with traditional natural life, or becoming a very important part in the globalization that is gripping the power of a Sekerei."

"These days there are many who believe that the Betawi will become mere legends of an ethnic group that once lived in Jakarta. Even as they are aware of the existence of Jakarta's indigenous people, they are swept by the myth that this ethnic group has been marginalized, and gradually losing its identity as a result of development. However, the voice of the Betawi is now being heard-including their demand that the office of Governor of Jakarta be held by a Betawi-leading many to ask: 'Who are they?' What the Betawi are doing is in contrast to the myths surrounding them. The author sees the matter as a contradicting viewpoint of Betawi. Although many believe that this ethnic group is becoming marginalized and in the process of disappearing, the author believes the opposite is true. The Betawi are becoming more noticeable; and they are playing a larger role in Jakarta's history. They are not in the process of disappearing, but are re-appearing. They are not losing their identity; instead, they are creating, and in fact have found and are actively expressing Betawi identity as a means of representing their existence. This has been going on since the 1970's in many aspects of life. This article focuses on art as one aspect. The author believes has been given much attention by actors in the invention of tradition. The outcome has been a qualitative and quantitative improvement in the existence of the Betawi ethnic group, which has in turn raised the attention of those any deal with the Betawi people. Several issues are discussed here: when did all these begin among the Betawi? What triggered the process? Who are involved, and who, especially, are the active players? If art is reinvented, are the effects limited to art and matters of identity and self-representation; or are there wider ranging consequences? If the latter is the case, then the author expects the use of cultural aspects for non-cultural ends. How will this take place? With a focus on the actors of reinvention, the question to be addressed is who holds authority in the reinvention of tradition in efforts to achieve non-cultural goals through a cultural approach, and how does this come about?"

"The intention of this article is to discuss the relationship between the processes of fiscal and political decentralization, the outbreak of communal violence, and what I call 'the new politics of tradition' in Indonesia. In 1999 under the President Jusuf Habibie, the Indonesian parliament (DPR) voted in favour of two laws, No. 22 and 25 of 1999, which promised to leave a significant share of state revenues in the hands of the regional governments. Strongly supported by the liberal ideologues of the IMF and the World Bank, the two laws were envisaged within Indonesia as a necessary step towards devolving the centralized power of New Order patrimonialism and as a way of curbing separatism and demands for autonomy by giving the regional governments the constitutional and financial wherewithal to maintain a considerable degree of self-determination. Decentralization was in other words touted as the anti-dote to communal violence and separatist tendencies-an anti-dote administered or at least prescribed by multi-national development agencies in most conflict-prone areas of the world. This paper wishes to probe this idea by looking at the conflict and post-conflict situation in North Maluku. The conflict illustrates how local elites began jockeying for political control in anticipation of decentralization. The process of decentralization is in other words not merely an anti-dote but in some cases an implicated part in the production of violence. One reason for this is simply that the decentralization of financial and political control after three decades of centralization entails a significant shift in the parameters of hegemony-a shift towards which local political entrepreneurs in the regions are bound to react. The new 'politics of tradition' currently emerging in Indonesia is the combined result of changes in global forms of governance, a strong political focus on ethnic and religious identity in the 'era reformasi' and a local willingness to employ these identities to garner support in the new political landscape of decentralization."

"The fate of indigenous knowledge systems has become the concern of many in an era of globalization. These knowledge systems are said to be under the threat of extinction, to be replaced by 'Western', 'scientific', or 'global' knowledge. The author contends that these concerns are more rooted in an overly essentialist attitude that pits the 'local' against the 'global'. He argues that the dynamics of knowledge systems must be better understood using a model of knowledge best suited for this purpose. He further argues that the most promising model is the one based on connectionism and developed by cognitive anthropologists. Drawing examples from the experience of farmers in Lampung, he shows how individuals combine stimuli from various sources to form schemas, thus showing the irrelevance of making hard distinctions between the 'local' and the 'global'."

"For three decades, the management of natural resources has been oriented towards increased production and profit in the national economy or for certain stakeholders, sacrificing conservation and the prosperity of local people. The unavoidable results are the deterioration of natural resources, ecological pollution, and a decline in the people's ways and standards of living. This paper attempts to show that the sustainable management of natural resources can only be achieved if the state surrenders its domination and delegate rights to the local people as active actors. Besides the stories of how rich local knowledge, are some studies point out that local people have limited knowledge of the ecosystem, which carries the implication of weaknesses in natural resource management. Other cases focus on how the social institution (rules, conventions and control mechanisms) needed to overcome the problems of resource management has not been internalized, or has either been marginalized, or substituted by ineffective government institutions. The cases of rice farmers in Lampung and fish farmers in South Sulawesi as illustrated in this paper will show that special attention should be given to the enrichment of local knowledge, along with the creation, establishment and development of social institutions. For the sustainable management of natural resources in this country, it is important to consider the local people's rights of managing resources on their own, and the need for facilitation on the basis of partnership. "

"This article analyze model of resistance between the local community and private company withinspired to perspective of power relation. Analysis based on the research about forest tenure by the local community and private company in Praha Village, Jambi. The research inspired qualitative approach with methods of indepth interview and participatory observation. The local community and private company constitute stakeholders that have interest on the forest resources. Complexity of the stakeholders?s interest were expressed through models of the social relation that were conflict, collaboration, and resistance. Dynamics of the social relation are reality of the power relation. Resistance are strategy of power relation with special features that each other stakeholders focus on the strategy to realize the each other goals and indirectly to fail the strategy of others."

"In a traditionally Central Moluccan communities spread over the islands of Ambon, Haruka, Saparua, Nusalaut and in particular, Ceram, any conflict between two individuals of different denomination, or between two villages of different creeds, is usually settled in very short time. Conflicts do not spur intervillage riots as the Central Moluccan islanders have a strong commitment to their Pela and Gandong alliances and principles. However, the significance alliance systems had been undermined by the influx of migrants who have settled in the residential areas. The migrants have been totally excluded from the traditional pela system. With the decline influence of the traditional mechanism of authority, the outbreak of communal violence between the sa'lam (Moslem) and thesarane (Christian) inhabitants became unavoidable. The traditional laws have been ineffective as a problems-solving mechanism. The author maintains that it is high time to seriously consider the need to revive and maintain the alliance systems, and to adjust then to the present and future circumstances."

"This paper argues that in the era of decentralization of developmental democratization at the local level through forums involving citizens have not yet formally involved strategic roles of women. The author reviews on how women?s strategic role on the local level has not been entirely met by mechanisms of formal channels at the village level. Taking a case study in Indramayu, the author outlines issues of democratization through various citizen forums that show problems of political participation that turn out to limit the role of women. The transformation of the public decision making structure on the local level should collaboratively involve aspirations of women who are still engaged in informal political context."

"This paper looks at the deteriorating relations between the population of Sulawesi Utara and the approximately 35,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) who fled there from the neighboring province of Maluku Utara. These IDPs first began arriving in large numbers in November of 1999 when communal violence broke out on the islands of Ternate and Tidore in Maluku Utara. They continued arriving until the violence came to a halt in June of 2000.Initially, relations between the two groups were positive. However, the extended presence of 35,000 IDPs created several problems, including a decrease in wages and an increase in housing costs. Negative perceptions of IDPs and jealously over IDP aid have created further misunderstandings. Additionally, IDP experiences with locals have led them to distrust the local population. On a few occasions these tensions have broken out into violence, and some fear this is a foreshadowing of the future should large numbers of IDPs decide to stay in Sulawesi Utara. This paper examines the relationships between these groups, as well as some of the efforts made by international NGOs to address these issues."

"Advisory Board Disputes Divorce dan Marriage (BP4) established government as part of effortsto reduce the divorce rate. But divorce continues from time to time and quantitatively increasingevery year, with a variety of result / impact there of. Prevention and mitigation of the problem of divorce can not be left to government officials just because the problem is multidimensional; social, cultural and moral. To overcome this problem must involve all the elements and social institutions in the local community."