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"This article examines how the people of Sumba construct their cultural identity associated with their religiosity in the face of discriminatory processed around them. The Sumbanese with their Marapu religion are discriminated againts because of the cultural identity attached to it, but due to their negative image. Discriminatory categories with all the attributes and roles attached to ithemare not natural constructs, but a history and representation.The cultural identity of the Sumbanese is the result of the interaction between the forces from the "outside" and the practices of their daily life. Marapu is a religion that serve as is the cultural identity of the Sumbanese, and becomes the basis of guidelines or values that organize their lives. Even for the people who do not following the Marapu religion. For them the Marapu is limited to the customs of ancestors only, and not as a faith they profess. For some of the Sumbanese, switching religion are a compromise, which is one form of "cultural protection strategy" that can reduce fear and aggression that arise between the individuals and society. The nature of this compromise culture is activated through the traditional institutions that always put through deliberation and uphold the concepts of togetherness and solidarity."

"This article is the research on Bajonese life in Wakatobi regency of the Southeast Sulawesi Province as a community with a maritime history and culture as part of their life. In the interactional process with other communities in its surroundings in Wakatobi, The Bajonese are often stereotyped as pirates, stupid, and with physical characteristics that are different from other communities. In fact, for so long they have been neglected from the process of development implemented by either the central government or the regency government. As a marginal ethnic group, the Bajonese develop their own awareness to do morenients to negotiate at local political elements (bupati election=pilkada) and formed the ?kekar Bajo? organization, and appointing Ir Abdul Manan, MSc as president of this organization, and identifying all Bajonese as members without regard to state borders."

"This article describes the relationship between power, history and identity in the processof division North Buton of Muna. In this article the presence of North Buton identity is seen asa phenomenon that refers to the identity of reproduction historical narrative where Kulisusuin historical context has a power relationship with the kingdom of Buton which lasted fromthe 17th century. This study found; that the presence of North Buton identity is a product ofdiscourse that legitimized by indigenous groups who identify themselves as descendants ofthe founder of the kingdom Kulisusu. it means that the identity of North Buton formed dueto higher power structures Barata Kulisusu surviving in culture Kulisusu People. This studyalso found that reproductive identity North Buton a political attempt to discover the identityof distinguishing between Kulisusu and People Muna (identity as a weapon of resistance).This distinctive identity in turn managed to attract popular support for the masses who feelconnected to that identity."

"Orang Kaili mengidentifikasi diri sebagai To-Kaili karena adanya persamaan dalam bahasa dan adat istiadat leluhur yang satu dipandang menjadi sumber asal mereka, bahasa Kaili dalam arti lingua-franca dalam kalangan semua To-Kaili, digunakan secara umum. Di samping itu terdapat banyak dialek bahasa Kaili yang juga menjadi identifikasi (seringkali tajam) dari subkultur atau subetnik To-Kaili yang berdiam pada wilayah-wilayah yang seringkali masih sangat terisolasi."

"Modal personality (perasaan kepribadian) To-Kaili sangat kuat terbentuk oleh ajaran Islam, yang memberikan warna kepada sektor-sektor kehidupan lainnya, yang berkembang dalam masyarakat, sampai pada zaman mutakhir. Perasaan kepribadian yang demikian itu dirasakan merusak kedalam lembaga-lembaga kemasyarakatan; ekspresi kesenian dan kebudayaan pada umumnya. Wawasan kebangsaan yang bertemu ke nusantara pun mendapatkan kekuatan dari perasaan kepribadian yang demikian itu adanya."

"The geographic area I will focus on is the Minahasa region in North Sulawesi. There, in the eighteenth century the eight 'tribes' inhabiting the area were united into a single 'ethnic group' known as 'Minahasa' until today. Not only the Dutch colonial government but also the Protestant church put great efforts into this unifying and homogenizing process that was supposed to create a common identity for all Minahasan people. The effectiveness of those efforts can hardly be denied. Nevertheless, internal differences have continued to exist and they are based not only on 'traditional' concepts that divided the 'original' Minahasan tribes but also on the local population's experiences with immigrants from other parts of Indonesia and overseas (e.g. the Philippines and China). Although this is not a recent phenomenon, political and socio-economic developments during the last few years have had further impacts on demographic conditions and relations between different ethnic and religious 'groups'. Thus, the Minahasa-like other 'ethnic groups' in Indonesia-are confronted with a double binding of supposed needs and requests for diversity under a unifying umbrella-on the regional as well as national level. The paper will address the 'problem' from the perspective of a rural community in the south-eastern part of the region. Hence, local concepts of identity, their constructions and markers in everyday life, as being manifested in food and clothing for instance, will be given special consideration. It will also be taken into account that the media (esp. television) plays an important role in the formation and representation of ethnic and religious identity. The paper aims at showing how 'unity' and 'diversity' in this context are produced and reproduced on the village level and its relation to the national discourse."

"This article examines notions of identity in the context of Mamanda, a traditional theatre in Banjar, South Kalimantan. The author Mamanda as a cultural symbol and describes the formulation of its identity using a semiotic approach whereby identity is conceived as a part of a binary composition fluctuating between the opposing notions of 'us' and 'other'. This is illustrated in the oppositions between the theatre's community and the state, individuals and the state, and the contradictory oppositions between the community members within Mamanda itself. This article demonstrates that identity is continually reformulated and is linked to political interests such as regional autonomy."

"In this article, the author argues for the inappropriateness of the government's policy and approach in its efforts to 'develop' the indigenous people who have been categorized as 'masyarakat terasing'. Through his analysis on the program of Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Masyarakat Terasing (PKMT), the author assumes that the program has failed. He examines the failure by looking closely at the livelihood of Orang Laut in Indragiri Hilir, the fishermen, who used to live collectively along the seashore and spend most of their time in boats. They refused to stay in the resettlement village which was provided by the government who did not base its program on the social-cultural-economic reality."

"Debus is a cultural expression of the Bantenese which perform the invulnerability of the body against sharp things. Some scholars regard debus as a kind of performance in which the actors experience ecstasy. This folk performance conveys certain cultural meanings and values and reflect the historical background of Bantenese which marked by conflict and social symbolizes heroism, patriotism and Islam."

"Tulisan ini berupaya untuk mendokumentasikan perubahan-perubahan dalam hubungan sosial di antara suku bangsa Melayu di Semenanjung Malaysia dengan komuniti-komuniti Orang Asli. Dalam merekonstruksi kisah hubungan sosial itu, tulisan ini diawali dengan kajian tentang gerakan-gerakan pada masa prasejarah dan protosejarah dari nenek moyang Orang Asli dan Melayu. Orang Asli berasal dari wilayah tengah dan selatan Thailand. Orang Melayu berasal dari Taiwan dan berpindah menuju Semenanjung Malaysia melalui Philippina. Dikisahkan pula berlangsungnya 'gelombang' pertama, kedua, dan ketiga dari orang Melayu hingga akhirnya mereka memiliki dampak yang permanen di wilayah Semenanjung. Tulisan ini menyajikan peralihan hubungan di antara komuniti Orang Asli dan imigran Melayu dari Sumatera sejalan dengan perubahan nilai yang dimiliki orang Melayu terhadap Orang Asli dalam hal perdagangan internasional. Semula, Orang Asli sangat dibutuhkan dalam memungkinkan orang Melayu membangun pelabuhan yang berhasil di Melaka. Selama hasil-hasil hutan seperti damar, kayu cendana, dan rotan tetap diperlukan secara internasional, Orang Asli dihargai dan diterima oleh orang Melayu. Tetapi, dengan adanya perubahan dalam permintaan dari hasil-hasil hutan ke timah dan lada sejak abad keenambelas, dan beralih ke timah, karet, dan minyak kelapa sawit pada akhir abad kesembilanbelas dan abad keduapuluh, posisi Orang Asli menjadi semakin terpinggirkan. Perubahan itu juga tertuang dalam tradisi-tradisi lisan dan tertulis Orang Asli dan Melayu. Pada masa kini, Orang Asli mulai mengupayakan diperolehnya kembali penghargaan dan kerjasama yang sebelumnya telah menjadi karakteristik dalam hubungan sosialnya dengan orang Melayu. Walaupun prospek keberhasilan itu tidak cerah, kemajuan telah diperoleh dalam mempertahankan ide-ide tentang wilayah hunian dan keaslian mereka di Semenanjung Malaysia."