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"Buton manuscripts indicated that Buton Kingdom appeared in 14th Century. In the periods of the 17 th, 18th, and 19th centuries, Buton Kingdom initiated to be the free kingdom. In the begining of 20th , dutch colonial goverment incorporated that the Buton kingdom and placed it under their rule. The principles were laid down based on the social cultural in eceonomic development. Relation to be governed especially are in the field of education, health, and economy. In 1960, Buton kingdom was dissolved following the death of Sultan Laode Muhammad Falihi as the last sultan. During the kingdom era, Buton social system consisted of three groups namelly kaomu, walaka, and papara. The system was established as power of ideology in Buton social political system in the era of goverment the fourth Sultan Dayanu Ikhsanuddin in 1578-1615. The Katobengke people as the subject and object of this paper belong to papara group. In the era of Buton Kingdom, the society was dominated by kaomu and walaka groups. This condition existed until the new order era, where in this period the dominant groups still have cultural and stereotype views toward this people as ini the era Buton kingdom. This paper focuses on the phenomena of power in the dynamic Buton?s social structure. In the Buton social structure, kaomu and walaka groups claimed them selves as the groups who have higher civilization in comparation with the Katobengke people, until today."

"ABSTRAKDisertasi ini mengkaji bagaimana stereotipe direproduksi oleh kelompok kaomuwalaka terhadap orang Katobengke sebagai kelompok papara dalam berbagai kesempatan. Pada masa Kesultanan Wolio, kelompok kaomu dan walaka sebagai kelas dominan melakukan distinction terhadap orang Katobengke sebagai kelompok lapis bawah atau didominasi. Distinction ini mengacu pada ciri-ciri yang membedakan kelompok kaomu-walaka dengan orang Katobengke sebagai proses produksi stereotipe sebagai strategi kekuasaan. Sebagai kelompok yang pernah berkuasa pada masa Kesultanan Wolio (eksekutif dan legislatif), ingin mempertahankan kekuasaan, privilese dan prestise dengan stereotipe orang Katobengke kotor dan bau, bodoh, kuat makan, lebar kaki, dan budak (batua) sebagai stereotipe yang bersifat internal. Bahkan pada saat ini, kelompok kaomuwalaka menguasai berusaha kedudukan penting dalam sistem pemerintah (walikota, camat, dan legislatif) serta pranata agama (sara kidina) Mesjid Agung Keraton yang pengangkatan pejabatnya tetap mengacu garis keturunan (kamia). Sebagai kelompok yang didominasi atau disematkan stereotipe, orang Katobengke berusaha melawan definisi yang diberikan kelompok kaomu-walaka. Bentukbentuk perlawanan terhadap kelompok kaomu-walaka berupa perlawanan terhadap sistem pengetahuan orang Wolio, resistensi lewat jalur pendidikan, resistensi dengan menggunakan simbol negara/militer, dan resistensi lewat jalur politik sebagai ruang negosiasi status orang Katobengke dalam struktur masyarakat Buton. Penelitian yang dilakukan sejak Maret 2008 hingga Oktober 2009 ini merupakan penelitian etnografi yang menekankan kasus-kasus keseharian orang Katobengke dalam struktur masyarakat Buton. Penelitian ini melingkupi penelitian arsip/pustaka dan penelitian lapangan. Metode pengumpulan data menggunakan metode wawancara, pengamatan terlibat, dan analisis dokumen.Penelitian dilakukan di Kota Bau-Bau Provinsi Sulawesi Tenggara dan meluas ke beberapa wilayah seperti Kabupaten Buton, Kabupaten Buton Utara, Kota Kendari, Kota Makassar, Kota Bogor, dan Jakarta. Para informan adalah tokoh adat dan tokoh agama masyarakat Buton dan Katobengke dan orang-orang yang memiliki pengalaman memberikan stereotipe bagi orang Katobengke dan orang Katobengke baik pemuda dan beberapa orang perempuan yang berhasil secara ekonomi.Temuan yang diperoleh adalah bahwa, 1) stratifikasi sosial masyarakat Buton masa kesultanan adalah sistem rank yang mengacu pada peluang untuk memperoleh kekuasaan, privilese, dan prestise sehingga menyebabkan perbedaan antar lapis sosial (kaomu, walaka, papara atau orang Katobengke) Stereotipe direproduksi dalam berbagai kesempatan sebagai strategi mempertahankan posisinya sebagai kelompok sosial lapis atas; 2) Orang Katobengke sebagai kelompok lapis bawah berusaha melawan definisi kelompok kaomu-walaka terhadap meereka sebagai upaya mobilitas status; dan 3) Secara umum, saat ini perubahan struktur sosial masyarakat Buton masih mencari pola baru; kelompok kaomu-walaka berusaha mempertahankan kekuasaan, privilese, dan prestise dengan memahami dunia sosial dengan status tradisional (kamia) masa kesultanan, sedangkan orang Katobengke memahami dunia sosial dengan status baru berdasarkan pendidikan, agama, dan politik.

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ABSTRACTThis dissertation studies how the stereotypes which were reproduced by the kaomu-walaka group foward the Katobengke people as the papara group in different opportunities. In the age of Wolio Sultanate, the groups of kaomu and walaka as the dominant classes made distinction to regard the Katobengke as the low social stratification or the dominated group. This distinction refered to the characteristics which differentiated the kaomu-walaka group from the Katobengke group as stereotyped production process used as the strategic power. As a group which had ever governed in the era of Wolio Sultanate (executive and legislative), would like to defend their power, their priviledge, and their prestige against, the stereotyped Katobengke people whose characteristics internally such as: dirty, smell, eating much, wide feet, and slaves (batua). Even, today the kaomu-walaka group still occeupy the important positions in the governmental system (mayor, camat or head of sub regency administration, and legislative members), and religious institution (sara kidina) of the palace graund mosque (Mesjid Agung Keraton) whose functionaries appointed based on the hereditary position (kamia). As the dominated group or called stereotyped people, the Katobengke try to fight against the definition whic has been given by the kaomu-walaka group. The forms of resistence against the kaomu-walaka group have been done by the Katobengke people such as: resistence against the knowledge system of Wolio people, resistence against the field of education, resistence by using the state/military simbols, resistence through political field as the place of negotiation concerning the statuses/positions of Katobengke people in the Buton social structure. The research was implemented from march 2008 until october 2009. It was the ethnographical investigation emphasizing the daily cases of Katobengke people in the Buton social structure. This research covered the library and archieves studies and field work. The methods were used in data collecting, namely, interview, participant observation, and document analysis.The places of research were in South East Sulawesi Province, such as Bau-Bau city, Buton regency, North Buton regency, Kendari city, and other cities for example, Makassar, Bogor and Jakarta. The informants interviewed were the adat figures, the religions figures in both Buton and Katobengke society who could give information about the stereotypes of Katobengke people. Besides, the youth, the successful businesmen and women of the Katobengke also were interviewed to gain the information needed in the research.The data which have been obtained are as follows: 1) the social statification in the age of Buton sultanate was the rank system whis was refered to the possibility to get the power, the priviledge, and prestige, which could result in the different social stratification (kaomu, walaka, and papara or Katobengke). The stereotypes of Katobengke were reproduced in different oppotunities as the strategy to defend the position of high social strata group; 2) the Katobengke group as the low social stratification tries to resist the definition made by the kaomu-walaka group as an effort for the mobilty of status; and 3) Generally speaking, nowadays the change of social structure in Buton society is still looking for a new pattern (model), the kaomu-walaka group has tried to defend its own power, its own priviledge, and its own prestige by rethinking its social world with its traditional status (kamia) in the former sultanate period, while the Katobengke group understands its social world with a new status based on an achiaved status through an element of competition in education, religion, and politics, to occupy a given position in Buton society."

"This article describes the relationship between power, history and identity in the processof division North Buton of Muna. In this article the presence of North Buton identity is seen asa phenomenon that refers to the identity of reproduction historical narrative where Kulisusuin historical context has a power relationship with the kingdom of Buton which lasted fromthe 17th century. This study found; that the presence of North Buton identity is a product ofdiscourse that legitimized by indigenous groups who identify themselves as descendants ofthe founder of the kingdom Kulisusu. it means that the identity of North Buton formed dueto higher power structures Barata Kulisusu surviving in culture Kulisusu People. This studyalso found that reproductive identity North Buton a political attempt to discover the identityof distinguishing between Kulisusu and People Muna (identity as a weapon of resistance).This distinctive identity in turn managed to attract popular support for the masses who feelconnected to that identity."

"This article will discuss legal and social discrimination against Chinese ethnic group in Indonesia and will show that the ethnic Chinese has been categorized as The Other since Chinese people are believed to have come from foreign country (China) and maintain their identity as different from other Indonesian ethnic groups. The discussion is focused on the essence of Indonesia as a multicultural society based on ethnicities as social force to develop social interactions within social, economy and political structures at the personal, social and state levels."

"People from Buton, Southeast Sulawesi, have for centuries migrated to Ambon for work, there forming one of the most prominent communities of 'pendatang' along with the Bugis. Since the beginning of the recent conflicts in Maluku, official figures indicate that over 160,000people have returned to Buton (previous population 450,000) as refugees. This paper discusses the identity of these refugees and how the term 'refugee' may be misleading. Some of the 'refugees', who often ask to be referred to as 'returned migrants', had retained strong connections with their villages in Buton while they were living in Ambon. Their integration back into Butonese society after their flight from the conflict in Ambon poses, however, a number of serious challenges, especially for those born in Ambon. Having always been called 'Butonese' in Ambon, the returned migrants are often referred to as 'Ambonese' after their return to Buton and they often find it hard to adjust to life in Buton. This paper is based on fieldwork currently being undertaken in the village of Boneoge, Buton. I will discuss some aspects of the lives of the returned migrants in Buton, including their interactions with other Butonese people, as well as some of their perspectives on their own experiences. In Buton; perspectives on their identity are thus being expressed and contested through issues such as use of local languages, dance parties, and contested land rights. Their memories of life in Ambon, and of the conflict, also play a role in their constructions of identity, and in how they respond to challenges intheir lives in Buton now. Here memory is seen as a constructive process, which is culturally influenced, structured by narratives, and adapted to a context."

"The increasing of elderly proportion is now being a new challenge in Indonesian population. It needs further reinterpretation and comprehensive studies which uncover its interrelation with social organization system, tradition continuity and the dynamic of local community, so that the impact, of the growing number of the elderly can be explained. In this article the author explores the problems of elderly without children in Minangkabau society, well known as an ethnic matrilineal system and strong traditions of migration. The author identifies three categories of elderly without children in Minangkabau: childless elderly never got married, childless elderly due to reproductive failure, and the elderly not having children. The author also describes that elderly without children in Minangkabau face problems socially and psychologically, specifically relations between man and woman in matrilineal system, marriage relationship problems and migration."

"This article examines a dispute over proper religious practice in an all-Muslim village in Buton, Southeast Sulawesi. Traditionalists and modernists disagree over whether agricultural ceremonies involving offerings for territorial spirits should be allowed to continue. Local views on this dispute are explored with reference to the historical context of religious practice in the village, and processes of social change over the past several generations. It is argued that key social, political and economic dynamics which are relevant to the current religious dispute include the decline of agriculture in the village, the eclipsing of the Butonese Sultanate and integration into the Indonesian state, and new patterns of mobility whereby many villagers have become migrants to urban centers in eastern Indonesia. Thus it traces how processes of the increasing penetration of capitalism, the decline of traditional authority, and new patterns of mobility have played out in this particular village in the context of a dispute over religious practice."

"Family and household are two concepts that have been blended into a single notion in most of the texts on kinship and social organization in the past, because, in many instances, they have interchangeably functions in many developed societies in which nuclear family type is the main reference. But, this situation is much different if we approach our developing societies-with special emphasis, urban-in terms of vastly and hardly social and economic changes. This article proposes to distinguish family and household concepts for analytical purposes. Household in its flexible form provides more promising space for dynamic anthropological research, especially in our society than the classical family concept. Selecting household as a common focus for anthropological research and analysis has both practical and theoretical justifications."

"Family and household are two concepts that have been blended into a single notion in most of the texts on kinship and social organization in the past, because, in many instances, they have interchangeably functions in many developed societies in which nuclear family type is the main reference. But, this situation is much different if we approach our developing societies-with special emphasis, urban-in terms of vastly and hardly social and economic changes. This article proposes to distinguish family and household concepts for analytical purposes. Household in its flexible form provides more promising space for dynamic anthropological research, especially in our society than the classical family concept. Selecting household as a common focus for anthropological research and analysis has both practical and theoretical justifications."

"The author argues that the Arab mind entered Indonesian society since the onset of Islam spreading in the 7th century. The development of the Arab mind has its own dynamic and inseparable from Islamic thought. The touch with Hindu-Budha cultural values created Kejawen among the Javanese; the contact with Dutch colonialism resulted acceptance of school system which brings secularism to Indonesian society. In the 80's, the Arab mind was suppressed by politically supported western mind through various ways. Globalization brings another challenge to the Arab mind that, interestingly, strengthens of Islamic identity among younger generation."