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Hasil Pencarian

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Tomotaka Shoji
"This paper examines Vietnam?s security policy with a focus on its omnidirectional military
diplomacy. The concept of omnidirectional military diplomacy combines the ideas of omnidirectional
diplomacy?the basic foreign policy of the Communist Party of Vietnam and the Vietnamese
government?and the military diplomacy of the Ministry of National Defense and the Vietnam
People?s Army. Under Vietnam?s omnidirectional military diplomacy, in order to build multilayered
and stable relationships with all countries, not only the diplomatic institutions but also relevant
military organizations participate in broadly-defined diplomatic activities through dialogue and
cooperation, thereby playing a part in Vietnam?s omnidirectional diplomacy. In the area of national
defense policy, Vietnam pursues stability not only of bilateral relations but also of the strategic
environment of the region as a whole by engaging in confidence building among relevant military
organizations for the security of Vietnam, a relatively small country. Vietnam?s omnidirectional
military diplomacy seeks to address the traditional security issue of sovereignty over the South China
Sea by directly applying the general goal of military diplomacy, namely: improving bilateral and
multilateral relations as well as the regional strategic environment through cooperative confidence-
building efforts, primarily in nontraditional areas. It attempts to keep China?s excessive influence
from reaching Vietnam by deepening the country?s relationships with the United States and other
major powers in the region. Vietnam?s omnidirectional military diplomacy principally covers the
United States, Russia, India and Japan, and also places importance on the utilization of ASEAN?s
multilateral frameworks for security cooperation."
National Institute for Defense Studies, 2016
355 NIDS 17 (2016)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Muhammad Rizky Pangestu
"Penelitian ini mencoba menjelaskan mengenai mengapa China bertindak asertif terhadap Vietnam di dalam kasus sengketa di Laut China Selatan. Tindakan China terhadap Vietnam di kasus Laut China Selatan merupakan sebuah anomali. Ketika berhadapan dengan negara Asia Tenggara lainnya, China tidak bertindak asertif dibandingan ketika China berhadapan dengan Vietnam. China masih mengedepankan negosiasi dalam berhadapan dengan negara lain. Tetapi jika berhadapan dengan Vietnam, China lebih mengedepankan sikap asertifnya. Untuk mencoba menganalisis sikap China terhadap Vietnam tersebut, penulis menggunakna konsep offense-defense balance milik Jervis. Konsep tersebut menyatakan bahwa ketika suatu negara meningkatkan keamanannya maka keamanan negara lain akan berkurang. Namun efek tersebut dapat dikurangi oleh 2 indikator yaitu keuntungan ofensif dan defensif serta pembedaan senjata ofensif atau defensif. Keuntungan ofensif terjadi ketika teknologi alutsista dapat menetralisir keuntungan geografis yang ada. Keuntungan defensif terjadi ketika teknologi alutsista tidak bisa menetralisir keuntungan geografis. Sedangkan pembedaan senjata ofensif dan defensif dapat dilihat dari 3 variabel yaitu mobilitas, daya tembak dan kemampuan menyerang tiba-tiba. Dari hasil analisis, tindakan China untuk bertindak lebih asertif kepada Vietnam disebabkan karena China dan Vietnam sama-sama memiliki keuntungan ofensif dan alutsista yang mereka miliki dapat dibedakan antara yang memiliki kemampuan ofensif dan kemampuan defensif. Oleh sebab itu dalam hubungan China dan Vietnam terjadi hubungan yang memungkinkan terjadinya aksi asertif oleh salah satu negara.

This study tries to explain why China acts assertively towards Vietnam in the case of disputes in the South China Sea. China's action against Vietnam in the South China Sea case is an anomaly. When dealing with other Southeast Asian countries, China is not as assertive as when China is dealing with Vietnam. China is still prioritizing negotiations in dealing with other countries. But when it comes to Vietnam, China puts forward its assertiveness. To try to analyze China's attitude towards Vietnam, the author uses Jervis' offense-defense balance concept. The concept states that when a country increases its security, the security of other countries will decrease. However, this effect can be reduced by 2 indicators, namely offensive and defensive advantages and the differentiation of offensive or defensive weapons. Offensive advantage occurs when defense equipment technology can neutralize the existing geographic advantage. Defensive advantage occurs when defense equipment technology cannot neutralize geographical advantages. While the distinction between offensive and defensive weapons can be seen from 3 variables, namely mobility, firepower and the ability to attack suddenly. From the results of the analysis, China's action to act more assertively towards Vietnam is because China and Vietnam both have offensive advantages and their defense equipment can be distinguished between those with offensive capabilities and defensive capabilities. Therefore, in the relationship between China and Vietnam, there is a relationship that allows assertive action by one of the countries."
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2022
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UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Feki Anrizal
"Tugas karya akhir ini membahas mengenai strategi Vietnam dalam menjaga keamanan Laut Tiongkok Selatan pada tahun 2011. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif yang bertujuan untuk membahas dan menganalisa strategi Vietnam dalam menjaga keamanan Laut Tiongkok Selatan pada tahun 2011. Strategi yang dilakukan Vietnam salah satunya dengan kerja sama pertahanan dengan Amerika Serikat melalui penegasan MoU pada tahun 2011. Kerja sama tersebut bertujuan untuk meningkatkan kekuatan militer Vietnam guna menjaga keamanan di Laut Tiongkok Selatan dari negara-negara yang bersengketa terutama Tiongkok, selaku pemilik kekuatan militer terbesar di kawasan tersebut. Hal ini menuntut Vietnam melakukan kerja sama pertahanan dengan Amerika Serikat sebagai strategi extended deterrence dalam menjaga keamanan Vietnam di Laut Tiongkok Selatan.

This thesis discusses Vietnam's efforts in maintaining the security in the South China Sea in 2011. This study uses explanative and qualitative methods. It to discuss and analyze strategies how Vietnam maintain the security in the South China Sea in 2011. One of the strategies is defense cooperation with United States through the signing of the MoU in 2011. The defense cooperation was expected to help to improve Vietnam’s military strength in order to maintain the security of the South China Sea against the threats produced by other claimants policy, especially China as the largest military forces in the region. Vietnam’s policy to embrace United States extended deterrence, in part was a reaction to China’s military posture."
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2016
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UI - Skripsi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Mutia Asshafiya Khairunisa
"Tugas Karya Akhir (TKA) ini meneliti respon Indonesia, Vietnam, dan Filipina, terhadap aktivitas militer Tiongkok di Laut Cina Selatan antara tahun 2014-2020. Berdasarkan kerangka analisis teori kerja sama, penelitian ini berpendapat bahwa ketiga negara merespon aktivitas militer Tiongkok dengan cara yang kooperatif. Menurut beberapa penelitian sebelumnya, respon negara di wilayah Laut Tiongkok Selatan bergantung kepada jumlah dana bantuan Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) yang diterima. Penelitian ini menyarankan untuk memasukkan konteks nasional negara-negara penerima BRI, dengan melibatkan motives dan power dalam menganalisis respon. Tulisan ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dan penulis menggunakan metode perbandingan. Penelitian ini dapat meningkatkan pemahaman tentang persamaan pola respon antara Indonesia, Vietnam, dan Filipina terlepas dari perbedaan jumlah BRI yang diterima.

This study examines the responses of Indonesia, Vietnam, and Philippine, toward China`s military activities at the South China Sea between 2014-2020. Based on the logic of cooperation theory analytical framework, this paper argues that those countries reacted to China`s military activities in a cooperative way. As some scholars predicted if those responses depend on the amount of the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) assistance fund. This paper suggests to include the national context of BRI recipient countries, by describing the different motives and power, in examining those responses. This paper
used qualitative framework and comparative methods. This paper may enhance the understanding of the similar pattern of responses between Indonesia, Vietnam, and Philippine despite the differences of the BRI amount received.
"
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2020
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UI - Tugas Akhir  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Mutia Asshafiya Khairunisa
"Tugas Karya Akhir (TKA) ini meneliti respon Indonesia, Vietnam, dan Filipina, terhadap
aktivitas militer Tiongkok di Laut Cina Selatan antara tahun 2014-2020. Berdasarkan
kerangka analisis teori kerja sama, penelitian ini berpendapat bahwa ketiga negara
merespon aktivitas militer Tiongkok dengan cara yang kooperatif. Menurut beberapa
penelitian sebelumnya, respon negara di wilayah Laut Tiongkok Selatan bergantung
kepada jumlah dana bantuan Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) yang diterima. Penelitian ini
menyarankan untuk memasukkan konteks nasional negara-negara penerima BRI, dengan
melibatkan motives dan power dalam menganalisis respon. Tulisan ini adalah penelitian
kualitatif dan penulis menggunakan metode perbandingan. Penelitian ini dapat
meningkatkan pemahaman tentang persamaan pola respon antara Indonesia, Vietnam,
dan Filipina terlepas dari perbedaan jumlah BRI yang diterima

This study examines the responses of Indonesia, Vietnam, and Philippine, toward China’s
military activities at the South China Sea between 2014-2020. Based on the logic of
cooperation theory analytical framework, this paper argues that those countries reacted to
China’s military activities in a cooperative way. As some scholars predicted if those
responses depend on the amount of the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) assistance fund.
This paper suggests to include the national context of BRI recipient countries, by
describing the different motives and power, in examining those responses. This paper
used qualitative framework and comparative methods. This paper may enhance the
understanding of the similar pattern of responses between Indonesia, Vietnam, and
Philippine despite the differences of the BRI amount received
"
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia , 2020
TA-pdf
UI - Tugas Akhir  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Nuri Widiastuti Veronika
"Tesis ini membahas tentang pengaruh komponen ? komponen geopolitik yaitu wilayah, energi dan power terhadap sengketa teritorial di Laut China Selatan antara China dan Vietnam periode 2009 - 2011. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kuantitatif dengan jenis penelitian eksplanatif untuk menjelaskan hubungan kausalitas antar variabel serta menggunakan metode pengumpulan data melalui studi kepustakaan.
Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa ketiga komponen geopolitik mempengaruhi sengketa teritorial di Laut China Selatan . Pertama, komponen wilayah yang dijelaskan melalui kedekatan geografis dan panjang garis pantai menunjukkan adanya klaim kepemilikan dan tingkat resiko bagi apabila terjadi sengketa di kawasan tersebut. Kedua, komponen energi yang dijelaskan melalui pengukuran tingkat pemenuhan kebutuhan energi menunjukkan bahwa rendahnya tingkat pemenuhan kebutuhan energi mempengaruhi eskalasi konflik akibat eksplorasi energi di kawasan yang masih menjadi sengketa. Sedangkan komponen power, kapabilitas militer yang kuat menimbulkan peningkatan agresivitas China ? Vietnam untuk mengklaim kawasan LCS. Selain itu, strategi China ? Vietnam untuk mempertahankan klaim juga mempengaruhi hubungan konfliktual di antara kedua negara ini.

The focus of this study is analyzing the impact of the components of geopolitics i.e. territory, energy and power toward the territorial dispute between China and Vietnam in the South China Sea at the period of 2009 - 2011. This study is quantitative research that aims to analyze the causal relationship between each variable.
This study summarize that the component of geopolitics give impact to the conflict escalation in the South China Sea dispute between Vietnam and China. In terms of territory, the geographic proximity and the coastline have explained the ownership claim and the country's risk should the dispute escalate into large-scale conflict or even war. In terms of energy, the rate of energy sufficiency ability gives impact to the dispute since it will cause a country to explore the disputed area in order to fulfill the energy demand. And in terms of power, the military capability has been the basis for China-Vietnam to act aggressively in the South China Sea. In addition, China ? Vietnam have also chosen different strategies to maintain their claims that in turns gives impact to the conflicting relationship among them.;The focus of this study is analyzing the impact of the components of geopolitics i.e. territory, energy and power toward the territorial dispute between China and Vietnam in the South China Sea at the period of 2009 ? 2011. This study is quantitative research that aims to analyze the causal relationship between each variable. This study summarize that the component of geopolitics give impact to the conflict escalation in the South China Sea dispute between Vietnam and China. In terms of territory, the geographic proximity and the coastline have explained the ownership claim and the country‟s risk should the dispute escalate into large-scale conflict or even war. In terms of energy, the rate of energy sufficiency ability gives impact to the dispute since it will cause a country to explore the disputed area in order to fulfill the energy demand. And in terms of power, the military capability has been the basis for China-Vietnam to act aggressively in the South China Sea. In addition, China ? Vietnam have also chosen different strategies to maintain their claims that in turns gives impact to the conflicting relationship among them."
Depok: Universitas Indonesia, 2012
T30893
UI - Tesis Open  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Auditya Firza Saputra
"ABSTRAK
Kehadiran klaim nine-dash-line Republik Rakyat China membuat suasana politik di wilayah Laut Cina Selatan memanas akibat sengketa wilayah yang tak kunjung terselesaikan sejak dekade 1970 hingga saat ini. Masalah ini berkembang seiring ditemukannya potensi kekayaan alam di wilayah perairan Kepulauan Paracel. Kondisi ekonomi Vietnam yang sedang dilanda krisis global pasca perang saudara dan unifikasi menjadikan kepentingan potensi ekonomis yang terkandung di Paracel sebagai jalan keluar dari krisis ekonomi. Di sisi lain, Hukum Internasional mengakui status kepemilikan suatu Pulau kepada negara tertentu melalui praktik pemenuhan asas okupasi efektif. Asas ini merupakan suatu preseden yang berkembang dari waktu ke waktu sejak kasus Putusan Arbitrase Las Palmas hingga kasus Putusan Sipadan dan Ligitan. Lewat metode okupasi yang efektif suatu kedaulatan negara dimanifestasikan lewat tindakan-tindakan damai yang secara terus menerus dalam periode penguasaan negara atas wilayah sengketa.
The presence of nine dash line claim by People?s Republic of China driven tensions to heat up the South China Sea as result of the unsettle territorial dispute since the 1970?s decades to present. The situations have developed since the discovery of oil potentials and other natural resources contained in the Paracels seas by States. Vietnam?s conditions is currently falling under the global economic crisis as a result of the Vietnam war and unification of the South and North Vietnam that produce the interests for such natural exploration of the Paracels waters. In the other side, International Law approves the right of territory of an island belong to the State that has exercised the practices of effective occupations principle. The principle is valid as a precedent that developed from time to time since the Las Palmas arbitration case until the Sipadan and Ligitan islands disput ruled out by the International Court of Justice. Through exercising the method of such effectivites, a sovereign state is recognsed its will to manifest the acts of peaceful display in a continual control over the dispute islands."
Depok: Fakultas Hukum Universitas Indonesia, 2016
S64511
UI - Skripsi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Hayton, Bill
New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014
341.45 HAY s
Buku Teks  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
"South China has become one of the most of serious hot spot in the world. The geopolitics of the sub region plays a very crucial tole in the pattern of interactions among the claimant states of the south china sea."
Jakarta: The Ary Suta Center, 2020
330 ASCSM 51 (2020)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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"ASEAN has an abiding interest in peace and stability in this region and in freedom of navigation in and overflight above the South China Sea. Much of ASEANs commerce, including its members' traded food and energy resources, passes through or over the South China Sea. The stakes for ASEAN and its members in the South China Sea are very high.This book is the product of a conference on Entering Uncharted Waters? ASEAN and the South China Sea Dispute, initiated to remind all claimants to bring their claims as close as possible to the provisions of the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. After all, ASEAN has sought to promote the rule of law in the region."
Singapore: Institute of South East Asia Studies, 2014
e20442234
eBooks  Universitas Indonesia Library
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