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"Tulisan ini ingin menunjukkan bahwa upaya membangun Indonesia yang multikultural hanya mungkin terwujud bila (1) konsep multikulturalisme menyebar luas dan dipahami pentingnya bagi bangsa Indonesia, serta adanya keinginan bangsa Indonesia pada tingkat nasional maupun lokal untuk mengadopsi dan menjadi pedoman hidupnya; (2) kesamaan pemahaman di antarapara ahli mengenai makna multikulturalisme dan bangunan konsep-konsep yang mendukungnya, dan (3) upaya-upaya yang dapat dilakukan untuk dapat mewujudkan cita-cita ini."

"Rubrik berita kali ini masih memuat informasi lanjutan tentang resume panel-panel yang digelar pada acara Simposium Internasional Jurnal ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA ke-3 tanggal16-19 Juli 2002, di Universitas Udayana, Bali. Selain resume dari sebagian sebagian panel tersebut, disajikan pula berita tentang Workshop on Visual Anthropology dalam rubrik berita ini"

"Indonesia's motto (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika), like that of the United States (E pluribus unum), suggests a multicultural unity in diversity appropriate to such a large nation comprising hundreds of ethnic groups (suku bangsa). Not every ethnic group has been treated in the same way, however. Ethnic Chinese Indonesians have been classified as people of foreign descent (keturunan asing) rather than as a suku bangsa, although many peranakan Chinese families have been settled in Indonesia for centuries and have indigenous as well as Chinese ancestry. Why was itso difficult for peranakan Chinese to gain acceptance as Indonesians? Why were their counterparts, the mestizo Chinese, accepted so readily as Filipinos? The paper will consider the timing of the rise of the relevant national consciousnesses (Chinese, Filipino, Indonesian) and their interactions, as well as the policies of the relevant governments (colonial and Chinese) toward the ethnic Chinese population in the two countries. Partha Chatterjee has written about nationalist thought in the Third World as a derivative discourse. It will be argued that Indonesian nationalist thought, in its attitudes to the ethnic Chinese, has been heavily influenced by the policies and mentality of the Dutch colonial government."

"The intention of this article is to discuss the relationship between the processes of fiscal and political decentralization, the outbreak of communal violence, and what I call 'the new politics of tradition' in Indonesia. In 1999 under the President Jusuf Habibie, the Indonesian parliament (DPR) voted in favour of two laws, No. 22 and 25 of 1999, which promised to leave a significant share of state revenues in the hands of the regional governments. Strongly supported by the liberal ideologues of the IMF and the World Bank, the two laws were envisaged within Indonesia as a necessary step towards devolving the centralized power of New Order patrimonialism and as a way of curbing separatism and demands for autonomy by giving the regional governments the constitutional and financial wherewithal to maintain a considerable degree of self-determination. Decentralization was in other words touted as the anti-dote to communal violence and separatist tendencies-an anti-dote administered or at least prescribed by multi-national development agencies in most conflict-prone areas of the world. This paper wishes to probe this idea by looking at the conflict and post-conflict situation in North Maluku. The conflict illustrates how local elites began jockeying for political control in anticipation of decentralization. The process of decentralization is in other words not merely an anti-dote but in some cases an implicated part in the production of violence. One reason for this is simply that the decentralization of financial and political control after three decades of centralization entails a significant shift in the parameters of hegemony-a shift towards which local political entrepreneurs in the regions are bound to react. The new 'politics of tradition' currently emerging in Indonesia is the combined result of changes in global forms of governance, a strong political focus on ethnic and religious identity in the 'era reformasi' and a local willingness to employ these identities to garner support in the new political landscape of decentralization."

"This paper is written based on the author's research on the policy of Chinese assimilation in two types of high school in Medan (1985-1986). Based on education policy issued in 1975,Indonesian students of Chinese descent are brought to contact with 'local students' to absorb so-called National culture through assimilation in schools. The author specifies two models of assimilation school, one is public schools, and the other is private schools with certain religious affiliations. There are seven indicators to measure successful assimilation (cultural, structural, amalgamations, identification, attitude, behaviour, and civic education) which show that the overall success of the assimilation agenda is still open to question if not unexpected. However, the author remarks that surprisingly, the assimilation process seems to have met with greater success in religious schools rather than public schools and he also critically points out that the basic assumption of assimilation is misleading and does not support the enrichment of a multicultural society."

"This paper is written based on the author's research on the policy of Chinese assimilation in two types of high school in Medan (1985-1986). Based on education policy issued in 1975,Indonesian students of Chinese descent are brought to contact with 'local students' to absorb so-called National culture through assimilation in schools. The author specifies two models of assimilation school, one is public schools, and the other is private schools with certain religious affiliations. There are seven indicators to measure successful assimilation (cultural, structural, amalgamations, identification, attitude, behaviour, and civic education) which show that the overall success of the assimilation agenda is still open to question if not unexpected. However, the author remarks that surprisingly, the assimilation process seems to have met with greater success in religious schools rather than public schools and he also critically points out that the basic assumption of assimilation is misleading and does not support the enrichment of a multicultural society."

"Berbagai bentuk karya (seni) yang merupakan ekspresi dapat diperlakukan sebagai identitas atau 'identitas' (baca:representasi), karena dua hal. Pertama, para peneliti berhasil memasuki kandungan mental seniman yang melahirkan karya-karya otentik, seperti misalnya penelitian Kenneth George tentang kaligrafi Pirous. Kedua, proses pemaknaan suatu karya (seni) dianggap cukup penting sehingga pada gilirannya karya itu dapat menjadi ajang kontestasi untuk bisa menjadi representasi identitas. Contoh dari proses pemaknaan ekspresi seni itu, sangat jelas pada kajian Jennifer Santos tentang kerajinan tangan masyarakat desa Tegallalang, Bali, juga Juliana Wijaya tentang alih kode dalam tuturan dan Tito Imanda tentang Si Unyil anak Indonesia. Seperti telah dikatakan sebelumnya, makna suatu ekspresi maupun proses pemaknaannya sangat tergantung pada berbagai konteks di mana karya itu diekspresikan. Karya seniman seperti lukisan, teater, tari, seni kerajinan dan berbagai bentuk karya lain seperti film, surat kabar dan narasi, mempunyai makna yang lahir karena pengaruh persentuhan kebudayaan. Persentuhan satu kebudayaan dengan kebudayaan lain, satu kebudayaan lokal dengan kebudayaan nasional atau dengan kebudayaan masyarakat global.""

"The author argues that the Arab mind entered Indonesian society since the onset of Islam spreading in the 7th century. The development of the Arab mind has its own dynamic and inseparable from Islamic thought. The touch with Hindu-Budha cultural values created Kejawen among the Javanese; the contact with Dutch colonialism resulted acceptance of school system which brings secularism to Indonesian society. In the 80's, the Arab mind was suppressed by politically supported western mind through various ways. Globalization brings another challenge to the Arab mind that, interestingly, strengthens of Islamic identity among younger generation."

"This article will discuss legal and social discrimination against Chinese ethnic group in Indonesia and will show that the ethnic Chinese has been categorized as The Other since Chinese people are believed to have come from foreign country (China) and maintain their identity as different from other Indonesian ethnic groups. The discussion is focused on the essence of Indonesia as a multicultural society based on ethnicities as social force to develop social interactions within social, economy and political structures at the personal, social and state levels."

"This article analyze model of resistance between the local community and private company withinspired to perspective of power relation. Analysis based on the research about forest tenure by the local community and private company in Praha Village, Jambi. The research inspired qualitative approach with methods of indepth interview and participatory observation. The local community and private company constitute stakeholders that have interest on the forest resources. Complexity of the stakeholders?s interest were expressed through models of the social relation that were conflict, collaboration, and resistance. Dynamics of the social relation are reality of the power relation. Resistance are strategy of power relation with special features that each other stakeholders focus on the strategy to realize the each other goals and indirectly to fail the strategy of others."