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"Perceived opportunities for increased local power and control of resources in the early euphoria of post-Soeharto decentralization saw no less than four new province proposals within the present boundaries of South Sulawesi. Two of those developed into formal submissions which, at the time of writing, are being considered by the national government. These are for new provinces of West Sulawesi and Greater Luwu, which would encompass approximately fifty-five per cent of South Sulawesi's present land mass. This article discusses those movements and the rationale behind their emergence. Residents in each region express dissatisfaction at long-term neglect by the South Sulawesi government. In particular, kabupatens calling for the establishment of West Sulawesi have been ignored in the development process. Following calls for the new province, the South Sulawesi leadership has promised increased recognition of the western regions. West Sulawesi and Luwu Raya are viewed as possessing high potential for resource development, particularly in plantation agriculture, fisheries, and mineral exploration. Ethnic identity has also been a factor in the new province demands. In some cases, preexisting ethnic tensions have been exacerbated by debates centered upon proposed province boundaries. Calls for change should be seen as a sign of dissatisfaction with the South Sulawesi leadership rather than with national governance, as new structures would by-pass present provincial authority, strengthening ties with the centre by allowing direct interaction between the respective regions and Jakarta."

"Elite modern itu, seperti dikatakan oleh Sartono (1947), adalah elite baru, sebagai pemimpin yang dapat diidentifikasikan sebagai organization man; elite modern yang bersikap idealistis dan yang sangat menyadari peranannya, simbolis sebagai pendukung ideologi-ideologi modern seperti anti-feodalisme, anti-kolonialisme, humanitarianisme, populisme, sosialisme, dan sebagainya. Pendek kata, elite modern itu harus dapat berfungsi sebagai akumulator ide-ide pembaruan, sedangkan tentang dari golongan mana akan munculnya dari segenap golongan bangsa Indonesia, tidaklah menjadi soal yang penting untuk diperdebatkan."

"The environmental degradation was a major problem for people who living in the coastal area of Paojepe village. Some previous efforts to address this problem were not successful due to top-down approach and lack of community participation. Learning from the experience, a partnership between University of Indonesia, an NGO, and local community was established to address coastal abrasion by replanting mangrove. Local institutions such as kinship relations and patron-client relationship (Punggawa-Sawi) were functioned as capital in implementing the program. Awareness rising on coastal rehabilitation through local institutions can encourage people to undertake mangrove conservation."

"This article analyses forest resources management in Tana Toa, South Sulawesi, headed by Ammatoa. Keammatoan membership is divided into Ilalang embaya or adat area and Ipantaran gembaya or outside adat area. The adat allows possibility of empowering local institutions to manage forest resources in the context of regional autonomy. This paper discusses to what extent Ammatoa leadership and adat have been used for managing forest resources through reflective mutual understanding process which lead to the transformation to an open community."

"The failure of many social development programs, such as health improvement programs, is a common reality in developing countries. The author argues that the main source of the problems lies on government organizations as the agent for development. Through an examination of a number of models on the introduction of health care, the author shows that the ethnocentrism of health professionals with regard to the communication of innovations remains a problem. What is needed is a communication strategy that is culturally aware, that will allow for the adoption of new ideas and practices through a learning process that is in accord with the principles of the culture participations. That any adoption will be adopted and integrated with the cultural elements of the participants should be taken as a matter of course."

"In this article, the author presents his thoughts on cultural diversity as the motto of Indonesia nation, on the basis of the ideology of 'Unity in Diversity' (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika). The author has a notion that the meaning of bhinneka tunggal ika was emphasized as ethnics' diversity during New Order (Orde Baru) and Habibies rezim era. It represents the consequence of ethnical politics with plural society model used by the regimes. The fall down of the New Order regime, caused any social conflicts and national disintegration especially in a period of Habibie governance. To rebuild social solidarities and the Indonesian national integration, the author offers model of multiculturalism in comprehending bhinneka tunggal ika which emphasizing equal cultural diversity. The author stresses that the model of multiculturalism only possible exist and expand in societies which uphold principles of democracy, justice supremation of law, and also eradication of corruption and collusion."

"Tulisan ini mengkaji mengenai seks, gender, dan siri' dalam budaya Bugis. Tulisan memerikan bagaimana gender dan seksualitas dipengaruhi oleh norma-norma adat yang berasal daritradisi tulisan, pepatah dan nasihat, serta menunjukkan beberapa studi kasus hasil penelitian etnografi di Sulawesi Selatan. Siri' (kehormatan/rasa malu) merupakan sebuah konsep mendasar dalam kehidupan masyarakat Bugis. Bagi orang Bugis, perempuan dipandang sebagai simbol dari siri' keluarga dan berkaitan dengan konsep laki-laki yaitu ' bi' (perilaku yang tepat). Akibatnya, perempuan harus dipantau secara ketat dan perilaku mereka tidak hanya diawasi oleh orangtua, tetapi juga oleh anggota keluarga dekat dan jauh atau bahkan oleh anggota-anggota masyarakat sekitar, yang lebih tepat disebut sebagai tomasiri' (orang yang bertanggung jawab menjaga siri' keluarga). Kenyataan ini didukung oleh adat Bugis yaitu seorang perempuan harus selalu di bawah perlindungan seseorang. Jika ia lajang,berapa pun usianya, ia berada dalam pengasuhan dan perlindungan orangtuanya, saudara laki-laki (bila ada), dan/atau kerabat laki-laki lainnya; ketika ia menikah, ia berada dibawah perlindungan suaminya. Kekuasaan parental ditransformasikan menjadi kekuasaan konjugal dan dialihkan kepada suaminya. Tulisan ini menggali bagaimana siri' berinteraksi dengan dan memperkuat identitas-identitas gender dan hubungan kekuasaan yang membentuk seksualitas perempuan dan laki-laki Bugis."

"In this article, the author describes the ethnography of the To-Kaili, the largest ethnics group in Central Sulawesi. To-Kaili had an important historical role in the period of Dutch colonization. At least four kingdoms tried to rebel against Dutch rule namely Moutong, Banawa, Sigi, and Kulawi. The author goes on to discuss the "modal personality" of Kaili people which covers social and religious life, ethos, language, art and literature. In the last section, he tries to predict how those people will face changes in the near future."

"The intention of this article is to discuss the relationship between the processes of fiscal and political decentralization, the outbreak of communal violence, and what I call 'the new politics of tradition' in Indonesia. In 1999 under the President Jusuf Habibie, the Indonesian parliament (DPR) voted in favour of two laws, No. 22 and 25 of 1999, which promised to leave a significant share of state revenues in the hands of the regional governments. Strongly supported by the liberal ideologues of the IMF and the World Bank, the two laws were envisaged within Indonesia as a necessary step towards devolving the centralized power of New Order patrimonialism and as a way of curbing separatism and demands for autonomy by giving the regional governments the constitutional and financial wherewithal to maintain a considerable degree of self-determination. Decentralization was in other words touted as the anti-dote to communal violence and separatist tendencies-an anti-dote administered or at least prescribed by multi-national development agencies in most conflict-prone areas of the world. This paper wishes to probe this idea by looking at the conflict and post-conflict situation in North Maluku. The conflict illustrates how local elites began jockeying for political control in anticipation of decentralization. The process of decentralization is in other words not merely an anti-dote but in some cases an implicated part in the production of violence. One reason for this is simply that the decentralization of financial and political control after three decades of centralization entails a significant shift in the parameters of hegemony-a shift towards which local political entrepreneurs in the regions are bound to react. The new 'politics of tradition' currently emerging in Indonesia is the combined result of changes in global forms of governance, a strong political focus on ethnic and religious identity in the 'era reformasi' and a local willingness to employ these identities to garner support in the new political landscape of decentralization."

"This paper will evaluate the impact of some early years of political reforms, democratization and regional autonomy on agrarian matters. During the New Order period, land resources were appropriated without consultation with local communities and land disputes have emerged to the political surface in many regions of Indonesia. The data I present here derive from South Sumatra, one of the hottest areas of Indonesia for disputed land. It will particularly focus on two key issues of agrarian matters, the position of the hak ulayat and solutions of land disputes."