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"The ethnic conflict in Indonesia is a sign of huge problems facing Jakarta and local areas Indonesia, therefore the explanation for its occurrence cannot be produced without examining the central-periphery relations, which involve structural problems in constructing and maintaining power. Ethnicity, for instance, has become political commodity, which is constructed by central powers and made manifest through the concept of SARA (ethnicity, religion, race and inter-group relations). Thus, government tends to find and explain the root of ethnic conflict in ethnic cultural differences itself, whereby differences of ideology and life practices are viewed as the source of conflict. This article attempts to examine ethnic conflict by analyzing three main factors, which are first, the change in the balance of ethnic relations. Second, the imposition of a uniform politics in pluralistic society. Third, a weakening of traditional relationship and the credibility of local elites as a result of government intervention. Based on these three factors, this article concludes that ethnic conflicts are not only matters of ethnic cultural differences, but also are rooted much deeper in systematic mistakes in managing these differences and the conflicts itself ,where culture has been used for government's political interests."

"The ethnic conflict in Ambon and Sambas are the result of the same casual factors. The ambivalent and unfair treatment by the armed forces and the police, and the absence of law enforcement, were factors that led to the emergence of these conflicts. Numerous crimes and violent actions (by gangster and preman) Took place. The local people - the Dayak and Malay community of Sambas, and the Ambon communities (both, Moslem and Christian, and also the Bugis, Buton, and Makassar) - took harsh measures without regard for the law. They did so since they could no longer trust the law, the armed forces and the police... [...] in the last part of this article, the author proposes three steps for the solution to the conflicts in both places: the shorts medium, and long term solutions."

"This article explores the roots of riots that have occurred in several cities and places in Indonesia, the author assumes that the accumulative and chronic social - economic gap shrouded by the ethnic and religious factors, underlined the occurrence of riots in the early Indonesian reformation era (May 1995). The differences in gaining access to economic resources, as well as the discriminative policies of the New Order Regime, created a social-economic gap between the ethnic groups in Indonesia. While some groups had privileges and easy access to economic resources, other did not. As a consequence, some groups were subject to oppression and marginalized. The potential for conflict increased structurally as marginal groups used ethnicity and religious attributes in framing the social-economic gap between them and the advantage groups. From the functionalist viewpoints, ethnicity can be seen as an easy way to heighten solidarity among people. The riots could be legitimated by using cared religious symbols. The author argues that the conflict among ethnic groups increased as a 'cultural protest' to the government's discriminative policy. The conflict does not represent the people's desire to return to their 'tribal' culture"

"Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji dampak otonomi daerah terhadap identitas lokal. Sebagaimana terlihat dari kasus Sampit di Kalimantan Tengah, otonomi daerah terkait dengan munculnya identitas putra daerah. Kasus yang dibahas dalam tulisan ini berkaitan dengan pembentukan Provinsi Bangka-Belitung (Babel) yang mengakibatkan munculnya identitas putra daerah di kalangan orang Melayu di Bangka-Belitung. Dalam tulisan ini, saya menganalisis sejauhmana lembaga hukum adat dapat menyajikan solusi untuk mengatasi konflik etnis yang sedang terjadi di Bangka Belitung"

"In this article, the author describes the ethnography of the To-Kaili, the largest ethnics group in Central Sulawesi. To-Kaili had an important historical role in the period of Dutch colonization. At least four kingdoms tried to rebel against Dutch rule namely Moutong, Banawa, Sigi, and Kulawi. The author goes on to discuss the "modal personality" of Kaili people which covers social and religious life, ethos, language, art and literature. In the last section, he tries to predict how those people will face changes in the near future."

"Conflict studies are a social science field that identifies and analyses violent and nonviolent behaviors as well as the structural mechanisms attending social conflicts. This article seeks to analyze the methodology and conceptual problems in studying conflicts in Indonesia which is greatly influenced by Western social sciences tradition. The development of social sciences in Indonesia in describing conflict is supposed to be part of the root of Indonesian realities. However, Indonesian scholars lack of their own theoretical discourses which should have been developed by Indonesians to analyze conflict problems in the same level of understanding as if they were analyzed by Western perspective. As scientific discourses are socio-historical related, they go beyond than just ethic and emic principle in representing local perspective. The author also discusses conceptual misapprehension within Indonesian scholar regarding Modernist and Post-Modernist approach and research management"

"Indonesia's motto (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika), like that of the United States (E pluribus unum), suggests a multicultural unity in diversity appropriate to such a large nation comprising hundreds of ethnic groups (suku bangsa). Not every ethnic group has been treated in the same way, however. Ethnic Chinese Indonesians have been classified as people of foreign descent (keturunan asing) rather than as a suku bangsa, although many peranakan Chinese families have been settled in Indonesia for centuries and have indigenous as well as Chinese ancestry. Why was itso difficult for peranakan Chinese to gain acceptance as Indonesians? Why were their counterparts, the mestizo Chinese, accepted so readily as Filipinos? The paper will consider the timing of the rise of the relevant national consciousnesses (Chinese, Filipino, Indonesian) and their interactions, as well as the policies of the relevant governments (colonial and Chinese) toward the ethnic Chinese population in the two countries. Partha Chatterjee has written about nationalist thought in the Third World as a derivative discourse. It will be argued that Indonesian nationalist thought, in its attitudes to the ethnic Chinese, has been heavily influenced by the policies and mentality of the Dutch colonial government."

"In this article, the author describes the ethnography of the Bugis-Makassar, the largest inhabitants in South Sulawesi. His description includes: the historical background, their social stratification, kinship system, traditional political structure, and folklore. How the Bugis-Makassar elite groups are developed and how their social structure influenced by such development is also discussed by the author. Based on the historical evidences it is revealed that identification of the elite groups which is underlined by nobility, emerged in 15th century. In the period of Dutch colonization, composition of the elite groups changed into: pangreh-praja (government administration official) which subsequently emerged as a new elite group. In the era of independence, the position of elites were mostly occupied by the rulling class and well-educated persons. In the last section, the author explains the sirik an institution which refers to human dignity and self-respect - in relation to the conditioning of Indonesian national culture."

"Pada hemat kami, sirik pada orang Bugis-Makassar, kalau itu masih benar potensial untuk dapat menemukan reorientasi dan transformasi ke dalam interpretasi yang dapat menekapi etos kebudayaan nasional Pancasila, yang segenap unsur-unsurnya merupakan darah-daging pribadi sirik, maka sirik itu niscaya dapat menjadi daya dorong yang kuat bagi pembinaan kebudayaan Indonesia."

"The May riot of 1998 has brought the so-called Chinese problem to the forefront. Various comments on the problem are mostly based on memories of the past, of the Dutch colonial segregation policy, and the common perception of the present conflict. The latter refers to the social economic gap between the Indonesian Chinese and the indigenous Indonesians. However, none of these comments address to the core of the problem related to the ethnicity and nationalism. The problem emerged when ethnicity and nationalism were in conflict. This conflict began with the establishment of the modern (Indonesian) nation-state. Since the beginning, the basis for discrimination between the indigenous and non indigenous has legally been set up by the 1945 constitution (article no.26). This discrimination was strengthened by the new order's policy that assimilation in the sole route to solving the so-called Chinese problem. This policy has produced wider social cultural, economic, and political gaps between the Indonesian Chinese and the indigenous Indonesian. The situation has developed in such a way that to solve the problem a careful examination using a multidisciplinary approach that pays attention to spatial and temporal variation in necessary."