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"Sejak awal berdirinya, Indonesia telah dibentuk berdasarkan gagasan bahwa 'kebudayaan nasional' dan 'identitas nasional' harus lebih diutamakan daripada identitas kesukubangsaan. Pemerintah Orde baru berusaha menciptakan 'kesatuan dalam keragaman' ini tidak hanya melalui Pancasila, tetapi juga melalui 'konsep kepulauan' (wawasan nusantara) dan 'azas kekeluargaan'. Dengan berakhirnya Orde baru, adakah cara untuk mengubah konsep-konsep ini, sehingga warga Indonesia dapat berpikir tentang diri mereka sebagai anggota suatu masyarakat nasional yang bersifat transethnic dan transreligious? Dalam tulisan ini, penulisnya berargumentasi bahwa jawaban untuk pertanyaan ini adalah 'ya'. Dengan mengilustrasikan kenyataan identitas gay dan lesbian berdasarkan penelitiandi Makassar, Surabaya dan Bali, penulisnya menunjukkan bahwa berbeda dari identitas seksual yang bersifat 'lokal' seperti bissu atau warok-gemblak, kaum gay dan lesbi Indonesia berpikir tentang diri mereka sebagai anggota dari suatu masyarakat yang tersebar luas keseluruh negeri 'gaya nusantara', termasuk laki-laki dan wanita dari berbagai latar belakang etnis dan agama. Contoh-contoh etnografis dari kehidupan sehari-hari kaum laki-laki gay dan wanita lesbian memperlihatkan bahwa walaupun perilaku para individu ini seringkali dikatakan bertentangan dengan kebudayaan Indonesia, dalam kenyataannya, perspektif dan perilaku mereka merupakan contoh dari 'kebudayaan Indonesia'. Mereka memiliki perspektif 'wawasan nusantara' sesuai dengan konsep pemerintah dan menggunakannya dengan cara-cara yang sebenarnya tidak diharapkan oleh pemerintah. Konsep nasionalisme Indonesia telah ditransformasikan dengan cara-cara yang tidak direncanakan sejak masa Orde Baru, dan akan terus berlanjut pada era reformasi. Dalam tulisan ini diketengahkan juga cara kaum gay dan lesbi memodifikasi 'prinsip kekeluargaan' ciptaan Orde Baru yang memungkinkan mereka diterima sebagai anggota masyarakat nasional yang baru."

"This essay argues for paying attention to the life-worlds of gay and lesbian Indonesians. These Indonesians' lives provide valuable clues to how being 'Indonesian' gets defined and to the workings of nation-states more generally. In particularly, the lives of gay and lesbian Indonesians help to demonstrate how heteronormativity the assumption that heterosexuality is the only normal or proper sexuality plays a fundamental role in forming nation-states as "imagined communities." Restricting the family model to the heterosexual couple has been a key means by which the idea of the Indonesian nation (and other nations) has been promulgated and sustained. Thus, rather than see the exclusion of homosexuality as a latter-day response to an encroaching global gay and lesbian movement, this exclusion is most accurately understood as a point of departure by which the idea of 'Indonesia' comes to exist in the first place."

"Dalam tulisan ini penulis mengulas interaksi di antara wacana-wacana dan tindakan-tindakan dalam pelaksanaan hukum lokal, nasional, dan internasional pada penduduk lokal dengan memfokus pada situasi di Pulau Siberut. Selama bertahun-tahun orang Mentawai telah menghadapi pengaruh-pengaruh hukum asal dari luar wilayahnya. Hal itu bermuladari administrasi kolonial Belanda, dan dilanjutkan oleh orang-orang Minangkabau yang - sebagai pegawai pemerintah dan administrasi di pulau itu - memiliki pengaruh yang besaratas sistem-sistem peradilan desa, dan hak-hak penduduk setempat versus pendatang. Birokrasi Indonesia melalui berbagai kementeriannya memiliki dampak yang besar atas pulau itu.Dalam kurun waktu terakhir, melalui campur tangan eksternal, kegiatan pariwisata dan pembuatan film oleh perusahaan asing, kesadaran etnis di antara orang-orang Mentawai sebagai penduduk lokal pun mulai tumbuh. Hal itu menuntun munculnya suatu bentuk 'representasi' baru di dunia luar, dan pandangan yang baru tentang tradisi-tradisi lokal. Tetapi, perolehan hak-hak kepemilikan atas sumber-sumberdaya alam dan kesempatan pemasaran yang baru telah memicu terjadinya konflik internal yang serius. Tampaknya,interaksi di antara hukum internasional, nasional, dan lokal tidak hanya menciptakan kesempatan-kesempatan baru, tetapi juga menciptakan kevakuman hukum, administrasi, dan kekuasaan yang baru."

"The religious-ethnic violence in Maluku has unearthed a complex network of rivalries, inequalities and rhetoric. Opinions as to the causes of the conflict, and possible avenues for reconciliation are extremely diverse, and reflect many of the tensions and challenges faced by Indonesia as a whole, as it moves towards decentralization. One of the elements of Maluku society that has proved to be controversial in this context is tradition or adat. This paper explores some current perspectives on the role of adat in Maluku, and its potential for social transformation. Does a situation as extreme as that in Maluku itself encourages radical transformation and creative solutions for rebuilding civil society, or does it simply further entrench existing prejudice and power relations? How will regional autonomy influence this? What relation do these questions have to other reconciliation initiatives? The paper does not attempt to draw far-reaching conclusions about the future role of adat in Maluku society, but simply indicates some of the questions to be asked and answered in the years ahead. It provides examples of past activities, current perspectives, and future possibilities. It is hoped that these questions will contribute to an already lively debate at the local level."

"In the midst of prolong conflict and the delay of reconciliation, Indonesian government provides a special autonomy to the Aceh people to implement Islamic laws (sharia') in the sociopolitical realms. Yet, for Aceh women the implementation of sharia' creates discriminative regulations such as enforcement to wear jilbab and curfew for them. Many recent political policies are totally disregarding Aceh women as part of the Aceh society. Various local regulations (qanun) that proposed by local government are not gender-sensitive and put forward violence in doing conflict resolution. Local autonomy brings the oppression of women's roles in the society. Historically, Aceh women have significant roles in shaping cultural identity of Aceh society. In the past, the interpretation of sharia' recognized and supported women's leadership in the society. Hence, a new approach to put back women's public roles in order to participate in reconciliation process of the Aceh society is needed."

"This paper will evaluate the impact of some early years of political reforms, democratization and regional autonomy on agrarian matters. During the New Order period, land resources were appropriated without consultation with local communities and land disputes have emerged to the political surface in many regions of Indonesia. The data I present here derive from South Sumatra, one of the hottest areas of Indonesia for disputed land. It will particularly focus on two key issues of agrarian matters, the position of the hak ulayat and solutions of land disputes."

"This article explores the roots of riots that have occurred in several cities and places in Indonesia, the author assumes that the accumulative and chronic social - economic gap shrouded by the ethnic and religious factors, underlined the occurrence of riots in the early Indonesian reformation era (May 1995). The differences in gaining access to economic resources, as well as the discriminative policies of the New Order Regime, created a social-economic gap between the ethnic groups in Indonesia. While some groups had privileges and easy access to economic resources, other did not. As a consequence, some groups were subject to oppression and marginalized. The potential for conflict increased structurally as marginal groups used ethnicity and religious attributes in framing the social-economic gap between them and the advantage groups. From the functionalist viewpoints, ethnicity can be seen as an easy way to heighten solidarity among people. The riots could be legitimated by using cared religious symbols. The author argues that the conflict among ethnic groups increased as a 'cultural protest' to the government's discriminative policy. The conflict does not represent the people's desire to return to their 'tribal' culture"

"Fase utama dari migrasi Hadrami (pertengahan abad ke-18 hingga ke-20) telah mendapat perhatian ilmuwan-ilmuwan dari berbagai latar belakang disiplin. Berdasarkan atas hasil karya ilmiah inidan mengacu pada teori-teori kontemporer di bidang Antropologi mengenai diaspora masyarakat dan hubungan-hubungan antarbangsa serta penelitian terbaru di Indonesia dalam tiga tahun terakhir, artikel ini memfokuskan pada hubungan-hubungan dikalangan Hadramis dan pandangan-pandangan Hadhramaut. Dengan berkonsentrasi pada topik ini, perbandingan akan dibuat antara fase utama dari pembentukan diaspora dan Indonesia pasca kolonial sekarang ini."

"The intention of this article is to discuss the relationship between the processes of fiscal and political decentralization, the outbreak of communal violence, and what I call 'the new politics of tradition' in Indonesia. In 1999 under the President Jusuf Habibie, the Indonesian parliament (DPR) voted in favour of two laws, No. 22 and 25 of 1999, which promised to leave a significant share of state revenues in the hands of the regional governments. Strongly supported by the liberal ideologues of the IMF and the World Bank, the two laws were envisaged within Indonesia as a necessary step towards devolving the centralized power of New Order patrimonialism and as a way of curbing separatism and demands for autonomy by giving the regional governments the constitutional and financial wherewithal to maintain a considerable degree of self-determination. Decentralization was in other words touted as the anti-dote to communal violence and separatist tendencies-an anti-dote administered or at least prescribed by multi-national development agencies in most conflict-prone areas of the world. This paper wishes to probe this idea by looking at the conflict and post-conflict situation in North Maluku. The conflict illustrates how local elites began jockeying for political control in anticipation of decentralization. The process of decentralization is in other words not merely an anti-dote but in some cases an implicated part in the production of violence. One reason for this is simply that the decentralization of financial and political control after three decades of centralization entails a significant shift in the parameters of hegemony-a shift towards which local political entrepreneurs in the regions are bound to react. The new 'politics of tradition' currently emerging in Indonesia is the combined result of changes in global forms of governance, a strong political focus on ethnic and religious identity in the 'era reformasi' and a local willingness to employ these identities to garner support in the new political landscape of decentralization."

"Artikel ini berupaya memperlihatkan bagaimana ideologi gender pemerintahan Orde Baru dan pemerintahan Reformasi yang berbeda saling berkelindan pada tingkat lokal danberinteraksi dengan identitas gender lokal. Tulisan ini juga menunjukkan bahwa adalahmungkin untuk melakukan penelitian tentang diskursus lokal dengan memfokuskan padakasus Bali jika sumber-sumber utama yang ada dapat diakses secara memadai."