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"Kawasan Indo-Pasifik merupakan kawasan yang menjadi perhatian dunia saat ini, karena kekuatan di bidang politik, ekonomi dan militer dari negara-negara yang ada didalam kawasan tersebut. Permasalahan keamanan yang terjadi di kawasan tersebut menjadi perhatian dunia dan Indonesia merasa perlu berperan aktif dalam menciptakan perdamaian dan keamanan di kawasan. Oleh karena itu, melalui mantan Menteri Luar Negeri Marty Natalegawa, Indonesia mengajukan sebuah gagasan pembentukan Indo-Pacific Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation untuk menjaga keamanan kawasan. Artikel ini bermaksud mengetahui makna dan tujuan gagasan pembentukan traktat ini, serta prospek dan masalah dalam mewujudkannya. Di akhir penelitian ditemukan simpulan bahwa gagasan dan tujuan dari pembentukan Indo-Pacific Treaty ini adalah menciptakan mekanisme untuk mempromosikan cara damai dan saling percaya dengan tidak menggunakan cara pengerahan kekuatan militer dan tidak merugikan pihak-pihak lain di dalam kawasan. Walaupun untuk saat ini prospek mewujudkan gagasan ini masih kecil dikarenakan adanya sejumlah masalah yang menghadang, namun gagasan ini tetap dapat diwujudkan di masa depan dengan menggunakan strategi yang mendapat dukungan dari negara-negara lain di kawasan."

"Indo-Pacific region is an area of concern for the world today, because of the power in politics, economics and military of the countries that are in this region. Security problems that occur in this region become the attention of the world and Indonesia felt it necessary to play an active role in establishing peace and security in the region. Therefore, through the former Minister of Foreign Affairs Marty Natalegawa, Indonesia proposed the idea of establishment an Indo-Pacific Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation for maintaining regional security. This article intends to determine the meaning and purpose of the idea of this treaty, as well as the prospects and problems in realizing them. In conclusion, the idea and the purpose of the establishment of Indo-Pacific Treaty is to create mechanisms to promote peaceful means and mutual trust without deployment of military force and harming other parties in the region. Although for now the prospect of realizing this idea is still small due to a number of problems facing, but this idea can still be realized in the future by using a strategy that has the support of other countries in the region."

"Skripsi ini bertujuan untuk memahami status Indonesia sebagai ‘kekuatan di Indo-Pasifik’ melalui peran-peran yang dikonsepsikan melalui visi Indo-Pacific Cooperation. Penelitian ini berawal dari munculnya sikap Indonesia dalam menghadapi tantangan pergeseran gravitasi (perekonomian dan militer) dunia ke arah Samudera Hindia dan Samudera Pasifik atau kawasan Indo-Pasifik. Sikap tersebut ditunjukkan dalam pidato Menteri Luar Negeri Indonesia, Retno Marsudi pada Januari 2018 tentang Indo-Pacific Cooperation yang berisi gagasan Indonesia untuk menciptakan arsitektur kerja sama di Indo-Pasifik yang inklusif, bebas dan terbuka, dan mengedepankan sentralitas ASEAN. Gagasan ini muncul setelah tahun 2016 Jepang mengeluarkan strategi Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) dan diadopsi oleh Amerika Serikat, India, dan Australia tahun 2017. Strategi FOIP dinilai sebagai upaya membendung strategi Indo-Pasifik Tiongkok, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Dengan menggunakan kerangka analisis teori peran, penulis mencoba memahami status kekuatan Indo-Pasifik Indonesia yang belum dijelaskan secara komprehensif oleh peneliti sebelumnya. Penulis menggunakan tiga konsep peran Indonesia dari Santikajaya, yakni sebagai soft revisionist, normative bridge-builder, dan interlokutor ASEAN untuk menganalisis peran yang dikonsepsikan Indonesia melalui usulan visi Indo-Pacific Cooperation. Penulis berpendapat bahwa status Indonesia sebagai kekuatan di Indo-Pasifik tidak memiliki kekuatan sebesar Tiongkok, AS, India, dan Jepang. Namun Indonesia telah menunjukkan kehadiran yang signifikan dalam wacana Indo-Pasifik

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This thesis aims to understand Indonesia’s status as ‘Indo-Pacific Power’ through it’s roles conception in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation vision. This research began with the emergence of Indonesia's attitude in facing the challenges of world's gravity (economy and military) shifting towards the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean or the Indo-Pacific region. This attitude was shown in a speech by the Indonesian Foreign Minister, Retno Marsudi in January 2018 about the Indo-Pacific Cooperation which contained Indonesia’s idea to create anc inclusive, free and open, and prioritized ASEAN centrality cooperation architecture in the Indo-Pacific. This idea emerged after in 2016 Japan issued the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) strategy and was adopted by United States, India and Australia in 2017. The FOIP strategy was assessed as an effort to stem China's Indo-Pacific strategy, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Using the role theory framework, the author tries to understand Indonesia’s Indo-Pacific Power status which has not been comprehensively explained by previous researchers. The author uses three concepts of Indonesia's role from Santikajaya, namely as a soft revisionist, normative bridge builder, and ASEAN interlocutor to analyze Indonesia’s roles conception in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation vision proposal. The author argues that Indonesia's status as an Indo-Pacific power does not as large as China, the US, India and Japan. However, Indonesia has shown a significant presence in the Indo-Pacific discourse.

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"This book examines the changes in Indonesian foreign policy during the 21st century as it seeks to position itself as a great power in the Indo-Pacific region.The rise of 21st-century Indonesia is becoming a permanent fixture in both the domestic and global discourses. Though there has been an increasing level of discussion on Indonesia’s emerging power status, there has been little discussion on how the country is debating and signalling its new-found status. This book combines the insights of both neo-classical realism and social identity theory to discuss a reset in an emerging Indonesia’s foreign policy during the 21st century while emphasizing domestic drivers and constraints of its international behaviour. There are three key organizing components of the book – emerging power, status signalling and the Indo-Pacific region. The Indo-Pacific region constitutes a spatial framing of the book; the emerging power provides an analytical category to explain Indonesia’s changing international status; and status signalling explains multiple facets of international behaviour through which the country is projecting its new status. Though leaders are adding different styles and characteristics to the rising Indonesia narrative, there are a few unmistakable overarching trends that highlight an increasing correlationbetween the country’s rising power and growing ambition in international behaviour. This book is built around four key signalling strategies of Indonesia as an emerging power – expanded regional canvas, power projection, leadership projection, and quest for great power parity. They represent Indonesia’s growing desire for a status-consistent behaviour, its response to the prevailing strategic uncertainty in the Indo-Pacific region and its attempt to advance its strategic interests.This book will be of much interest to students of South-East Asian politics, strategic studies, international diplomacy, security studies and IR in general."

"The Port of Bitung area has a number of potentials that can impact the structure of national security and national defense, because it has a strategic concept for the Indo-Pacific Region. The Bitung Port area as an international hub port, stated in the Minister of Transportation Decree Number 54 of 2002 concerning the Implementation of Sea Ports. The method in this study used a qualitative descriptive approach and data analysis techniques used an interactive of model analysis. This study analyzes the Geostrategy concept for the Port of Bitung Region as part of a national security strategy to strengthen national defense based on the maritime security side and the economic implications of the Indo-Pacific Region. The results show that in general the analysis of the strategy of the Bitung port area in maritime security studies for national national security and national defense shows several things: 1) the strategic conditions of the Bitung Port area need to be supported by strategic and integrated policies between the Central government and the North Sulawesi Province Bitung City; 2) the development of special economic zones (KEK) requires accelerated implementation of policies in a sustainable manner with full support from the budget side, this is to strengthen the territorial basis in the geostrategic concept; and 3) there needs to be an approach towards the community in supporting the realization of the strategic area of Bitung City, North Sulawesi. The fulfillment of these requirements has made the Bitung Port area capable of supporting geostrategy through strategic maritime security studies and economic implications, because it is located in the Indo-Pacific Region as a center for political and economic defense so as to strengthen national security and national defense."

"Pasca Perang Dingin, Tiongkok muncul sebagai ancaman baru bagi hegemoni AS, baik di bidang politik, ekonomi, maupun militer. Persaingan AS-Tiongkok di Asia Pasifik menimbulkan gejolak pada stabilitas global. Intensitas Aliansi Quad (AS, Australia, Jepang, India) dalam melakukan ekspedisi militer gabungan di Samudera Hindia dan agresivitas Tiongkok di Laut Tiongkok Selatan yang bersengketa dengan 5 negara (Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, Filipina, Taiwan) mengancam keamanan ASEAN yang berada pada konvergensi persaingan tersebut. Rivalitas AS-Tiongkok semakin intens sejak Presiden Donald Trump mengemukakan gagasan Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) ketika kunjungan pertamanya sebagai Presiden AS ke Asia pada 10 November 2017. Hal ini kemudian direspon oleh Pemerintah Tiongkok dengan meningkatkan anggaran militernya sebesar USD 22,09 miliar di tahun 2018 dari yang biasanya hanya sekitar USD 2-12 miliar. Indonesia sebagai salah satu pendiri ASEAN dengan letak geografis yang strategis di antara 2 benua (Asia, Australia) dan 2 samudera (Hindia, Pasifik) mendorong ASEAN agar merumuskan konsepsi Indo-Pasifik yang berorientasi pada prinsip sentralitasnya. Atas inisiatif Indonesia, akhirnya ASEAN membentuk ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) pada KTT ASEAN ke-34 di Bangkok tanggal 22 Juni 2019. Pada kajian lainnya belum ada yang secara spesifik menjelaskan tujuan strategis Indonesia mendorong ASEAN untuk membentuk AOIP dalam merespon geopolitik AS-Tiongkok. Dengan demikian, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis fenomena tersebut dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif dan pendekatan Role Theory dari K. J. Holsti (1970). Berdasarkan hasil riset, peran Indonesia dalam pembentukan AOIP meliputi regional protector, regional-subsystem collaborator, dan mediator-integrator. Peran tersebut didorong oleh prinsip “Bebas Aktif” dan program “Poros Maritim Dunia” oleh Presiden Jokowi dalam rangka memperkuat potensi middle power Indonesia, meningkatkan peran ASEAN, dan menghadirkan kerja sama Indo-Pasifik.

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After the Cold War, China emerged as a new threat to US hegemony, especially in the political, economic, and military fields. The US-China rivalry in the Asia Pacific region disrupts global stability. The intensity of the Quad Alliance (US, Australia, Japan, India) in conducting joint military expeditions in the Indian Ocean and China's aggressiveness in the South China Sea in a dispute with 5 countries (Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, Philippines, Taiwan) threaten the security of ASEAN, which is at the convergence of the competition. The US-China rivalry has intensified since President Donald Trump put forward the idea of a ​​Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) during his first visit to Asia as US President on November 10, 2017. Then the Chinese government responded by increasing its military budget by USD 22,09 billion in 2018, up from the usual range of USD 2-12 billion. Indonesia, as one of the founders of ASEAN with a strategic geographical location between 2 continents (Asia, Australia) and 2 oceans (Indian, Pacific), encourages ASEAN to formulate an Indo-Pacific concept that is oriented to the principle of centrality. Because of Indonesia's initiative, ASEAN finally established the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) at the 34th ASEAN Summit in Bangkok on June 22, 2019. In other studies, no one has specifically explained Indonesia's strategic objectives to encourage ASEAN to form an AOIP in response to US-China geopolitics. Thus, this study aims to analyze this phenomenon using qualitative methods and the Role Theory approach of K. J. Holsti (1970). Based on the research results, Indonesia's roles in the formation of the AOIP are regional protector, regional-subsystem collaborator, and mediator-integrator. These roles are motivated by the "Free Active” principle and President Jokowi’s "Global Maritime Fulcrum" program in order to strengthen Indonesia's middle power potential, enhance ASEAN's role, and present Indo-Pacific cooperation."

"Pengibaran bendera Papua pada tanggal 1 Desember 1961 yang tidak disertai dengan Proklamasi Kemerdekaan dan aksi konfrontasi yang dilakukan pihak Indonesia serta ditandatanganinya Persetujuan New York tahun 1962 oleh Indonesia dan Belanda menyebabkan tidak terwujudnya gagasan pembentukan negara Papua.Reaksi dari masyarakat Irian Barat menjelang penyelesaian sengketa antara Indonesia dan Belanda yaitu ada yang mendukung gagasan pembentukan negara Papua dan ada yang mendukung perintah Trikora tahun 1961 dan Persetujuan New York tahun 1962."