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"Over the past forty years, recognition has become the dominant mode of negotiation and decolonization between the nation-state and Indigenous nations in North America. The term?recognition? shapes debates over Indigenous cultural distinctiveness, Indigenous rights to land and self-government, and Indigenous peoples' right to benefit from the development of their lands and resources. In a work of critically engaged political theory, Glen Sean Coulthard challenges recognition as a method of organizing difference and identity in liberal politics, questioning the assumption that contemporary difference and past histories of destructive colonialism between the state and Indigenous peoples can be reconciled through a process of acknowledgment. Beyond this, Coulthard examines an alternative politics--one that seeks to revalue, reconstruct, and redeploy Indigenous cultural practices based on self-recognition rather than on seeking appreciation from the very agents of colonialism. Coulthard demonstrates how a?place-based? modification of Karl Marx's theory of?primitive accumulation? throws light on Indigenous-state relations in settler-colonial contexts and how Frantz Fanon's critique of colonial recognition shows that this relationship reproduces itself over time. This framework strengthens his exploration of the ways that the politics of recognition has come to serve the interests of settler-colonial power. In addressing the core tenets of Indigenous resistance movements, like Red Power and Idle No More, Coulthard offers fresh insights into the politics of active decolonization. --Provided by publisher."

"Setahun setelah tregedi pengeboman World Trade Center 11 September 2001 di New York kemudian disusul tragedi pengebomana diskotik Sari Club di legian Kuta Bali 12 oktober 2002, tregedi kekerasan terhadap umat manusia bukannya berhenti dengan jatuhnya banyak korban, tetapi malah semakin bertambah dengan eskalasi yang meningkat tetapi sangat bervariasi dalam pelaksanaannya dan menjadi trend untuk mengacaukan situasi keamanan. Pembunuhan dapat dilakukan dengan cara pembajakan pesawat kemudian ditabrakkan ke gedung, peledakan bom masal lewat penyanderaan atau bahkan lewat gas tidur seperti terjadi dalam tragedi penyamderaan di satu gedung a yang menduga gas yang digunakan adalah gas penghancur saraf jenis LSD, gas ini digunakan oleh pasukan tentara Rusia untuk membebaskan sandera).Semua orang sepakat semua itu dilakukan oleh orang atau kelompok yang dinamakan teoris."

"In the communication of pain, language matters. Telling someone to feel pain is not just a description of one’s pain, it is – as philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein informs us – also asking for recognition of that pain. This requires a shared language which communicates it. Do we need a new language which can communicate and recognize the pain of the colonial past more effectively? Commencing with the recent apology for waging “a colonial war” in Indonesia by the Dutch prime minister, this article suggests an intervention in postcolonial recognition politics by exploring the idea of the multi-voicedness. Multi-voicedness (Meerstemmigheid) has become a catchword in current public and scholarly debates about the Dutch colonial past and its legacy, in which decades of recognition politics have tended to privilege clear-cut binary identities favouring certain voices above others. There is little conceptual clarity around what the term multi-voicedness entails and even less about its utility in postcolonial discourse. Although commonly associated with juxtaposing different perspectives, this article argues that introducing the lens of multi-voicedness – more specifically the idea of the dialogical self (Hubert J.M. Hermans 2004) – into the recognition discourse, contributes to a better understanding of transnational recognition politics. Capturing the diaspora’s multi-voicedness permits wider scrutiny of what is otherwise a too simplified identity and generation question implicated in post-colonial recognition politics. It will be argued that recognition claims, although supposedly part of an emancipatory struggle, are silencing the multi-voicedness of entangled Indonesian-Dutch family history, the driver for the fight for justice in the first place."

"On 14 July 2013, India closed down its telegraph service, drawing the curtain over an important chapter in its history of telecommunications. Introduced during the British colonial period, the telegraph was opened for public use on 1 February 1855. The beginning of the service, much like its end, was marked by strikingly similar scenes of people rushing to the telegraph office in order to send messages. The similarity with the contemporary scenario does not end here. Like the internet today, the electric telegraph came to play an important role in the conduct of journalism in nineteenth-century India. This book is an attempt to reconstruct this interconnected history of telegraphy and journalism and the first systematic account of the development of English-language news reporting in nineteenth-century India. Drawing on a wide range of historical material and an in-depth analysis of the newspaper press, it questions grand narratives of media revolutions, arguing instead that the use of telegraphy in journalism was gradual and piecemeal. News itself emerged as the site of many contestations, as imperial politics, capitalist enterprise, and individual agency shaped not only access to technologies of communication, but also the content and form of reporting."