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"Pasar tradisional merupakan tempat terjadinya aktivitas ekonomi lokal berupa kegiatan jual bei antara pedagang dan pembeli. Di dalam aktivitas jual beli ini, terbentuklah interaksi yang kompleks, baik melalui kegiatan tawar menawar antara pembeli dan pedagang maupun persaingan antarpedagang sebagai wujud unsur sosial budaya. Akibatnya, pasar tradisional tidak pernah lepas dari unsur ekonomi lokal dan sosial budaya yang mengitarinya.Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan keterkaitan antara pasar tradisional Bolu di Toraja Utara dan ritual kematian orang Toraja. Ritual kematian orang Toraja, Rambu Solo, adalah salah satu ritual terpenting dalam kebudayaan orang Toraja. Rambu Solo dilaksanakan sesuai dengan kelas sosial dan didorong oleh budaya siri. Setiap kelas sosial dibedakan berdasarkan lama pelaksanaan ritual, tingkat kerumitan, dan jumlah hewan kurban yang disembelih, khususnya kerbau. Semakin tinggi kasta sosial orang yang meninggal, ritual Rambu Solo yang dilaksanakan akan semakin rumit, menghabiskan semakin banyak waktu dan kerbau. Kehadiran Pasar Hewan Bolu sangat membantu masyarakat Toraja dalam memperoleh kerbau.Mengakhiri rangkaian studi literatur, wawancara, dan studi lapangan yang dilakukan selama menyusun tulisan ini, penulis menyimpulkan bahwa Pasar Hewan Bolu dapat dipandang sebagai pasar yang memenuhi kebutuhan orang mati, yakni kebutuhan ritual Rambu Solo. Oleh karena itu, selama orang Toraja bertahan untuk tetep melaksanakan ritual kematian Rambu Solo, maka kehadiran Pasar Hewan Bolu tidak dapat dipisahkan dari kehidupan berbudaya masyarakat Toraja.

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A traditional market is where local economy activities, mainly the process of selling and buying, take place. In this activity of selling and buying, a complex interactions are formed, firstly through the bargainnning between the buyers and traders, secondly through the competition among the traders, both as manifests of the local economical and socio-cultural elements. Hence, a traditional market could never be detached from its surrounding local economy and socio-cultural elements.

This thesis aims to explain the relationship between Bolu Animal Market, a traditional market in North Toraja, and Rambu Solo, the funeral ceremony of Toraja people. Rambu Solo is one of the most significant rituals in the culture of Toraja. It is observed based on social class and driven by the siri culture. Each social class is distinguished by the duration and complexity of the ritual, also by the number of sacrificial animals slaugthered, especially bufallo. The higher the social caste of the Toraja people who died, the more complicated the ritual will be carried out, spending more in both time and bufallo. Bufallo has become a key element in this ritual. The existence of Bolu Animal Market is an immense help for the Toraja people to obtain bufallo.

Hence, closing the series of literature study, interview, and field study along with this thesis writing, the author concludes that Bolu Animal Market can be seen as a market that meets the needs of the dead, as it provides the main requirement of Rambu Solo. As long as the people of Toraja keep observing the ritual of Rambu Solo, the presence of Bolu Animal Market can not be separated from their cultural life."

"Disertasi ini mengkaji perkembangan judi dalam ritual adu kerbau (ma’pasilaga tedong) dalam upacara pemakaman rambu solo’ di Tana Toraja dan Toraja Utara. Perkembangan judi dalam atraksi ma’pasilaga tedong yang menggambarkan perubahan dalam masyarakat Toraja baik itu perubahan struktur sosial dan juga perubahan ritual. Pelaksanaan upacara rambu solo’ yang semakin mewah menjadi fenomena akan perubahan yang sedang terjadi dalam masyarakat Toraja. Perkembangan judi dalam permainan adu kerbau dapat menjadi jendela untuk melihat perubahan sosial dan kebaharuan dalam ritual. Ma’pasilaga tedong tidak bisa dilepaskan dari ritual rambu solo’ karena kerbau dan permainan adu kerbau bagian dari ritual. Selama kerbau masih ada kerbau dan menjadi hewan kurban dalam upacara rambu solo' adu kerbau akan selalu ada dalam rambu solo’. Permainan selalu terbuka pada tindakan judi yang dapat melahirkan pranata baru. Pertanyaan yang bisa diajukan terhadap fenomena ini adalah bagaimana perubahan tersebut terjadi dan bagaimana para aktor berperan sebagai agen perubahan? Data diperoleh melalui penelitian dengan menggunakan metode etnografi yang menekankan observasi terlibat dan wawancara mendalam. Melalui observasi peneliti terlibat dalam ritual dan hadir dalam arena judi. Data-data observasi diperkuat dan dilengkapi melalui wawancara mendalam dengan para tokoh adat dan pelaku ritual serta aktor judi. Data lapangan juga diperkaya dengan penelusuran literatur. Data dianalisa berdasarkan perspektif ritual sebagai proses perubahan sosial. Ritual adalah tindakan untuk memberi penghormatan kepada yang meninggal yang bisa menguatkan ikatan para pelaku ritual dengan para leluhur. Fungsi ritual juga memperkuat ikatan sosial di antara pelaku ritual. Selanjutnya tindakan pengorbanan yang selalu menyertai ritual menjadi sarana (kendaraan) untuk mempresentasikan status sosial dan mengkonstruksi pranata judi.

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This dissertation discusses the development of gambling in the buffalo fighting ritual (ma'pasilaga tedong) in the rambu solo' funeral ceremony in Tana Toraja and North Toraja. The development of gambling in the ma'pasilaga tedong attraction depicts changes in Toraja society, both changes in social structure and also changes in rituals. The increasingly luxurious implementation of the rambu solo' ceremony is a phenomenon that reflects the changes that are taking place in Toraja society. The development of gambling in buffalo fighting games can be a window to see social changes and newness in rituals. Ma'pasilaga tedong cannot be separated from the rambu solo' ritual because buffalo and buffalo fighting games are part of the ritual. As long as there are still buffaloes, and they are sacrificial animals in the rambu solo ceremony, buffalo fighting will always be in rambu solo'. The game is always open to gambling actions that can give birth to new institutions. The questions that can be asked about this phenomenon are how does this change occur, and how do actors act as agents of change? Data was obtained through research using ethnographic methods, which involved observation and in-depth interviews. Through observation, researchers were involved in rituals and were present in the gambling arena. Observational data is strengthened and complemented through in-depth interviews with traditional leader ritual practitioners and gambling actors. Field data was also enriched by literature searches. Data were analyzed based on the perspective of ritual as a process of social change. Rituals are actions to pay respects to the dead which can strengthen the bonds of ritual practitioners with their ancestors. The ritual function also strengthens social ties between ritual practitioners. Furthermore, the act of sacrifice that always accompanies the ritual becomes a means (vehicle) for presenting social status and constructing gambling institutions."

"Upacara kematian yang masih ditradisikan, salah satunya dijalankan sebagian masyarakat Toraja yang menganut animisme Alluk Todolo. Dalam tiap peringatan rangkaian kehidupan manusia termasuk upacara kematian, ungkapan makna yang berperan penting adalah ungkapan keruangan. Pelaksanaan ritual upacara kematian yang dilaksanakan melalui simbol-simbol keagamaan membentuk ruang yang memiliki karakter supranatural yang sangat kuat. Sifat, makna, karakter psikis dan/atau bahkan supranatural dari ruang seperti itu terasa jauh lebih kuat dibanding sifat, makna, ataupun karakter fisiknya. Para pelaku ritual, seluruh kerabat yang hadir, dan makhluk bernyawa lainnya menjadi unsur penting yang memaknai pembentukan ruang-ruang berkarakter supranatural untuk mengantar arwah menuju alam kehidupan berikutnya. Makna tersebutlah yang saya sebut sebagai arsitektur.

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Death ceremony that has still been run by some of the Torajans, that embrace the animism Alluk Todolo. In every human's rites of passage including death ceremony, expression of meaning that playing important role is spatial expression. Death ceremony that is executed by religious symbols forming space that has a strong supranatural characteristic. That characteristic, meaning, psychical character and/or even supranatural from such space is felt much more than characteristic, meaning, or its physical character. The ritual performer, the relatives, and other animate creatures become the important elements that explain the forming of space with supranatural character to carry the spirit to its next life nature. That's the meaning that I conceive as architecture."

"ABSTRAKDalam masyarakat pertanian yang ada di desa-desa, ternyata pertukaran sosial maupun ekonomi dilakukan secara ekstensif, meliputi berbagai aspek kehidupan. Salah satu arena dimana pertukaran sosial terwujud ialah dalam upacara sekitar daur hidup (life cycle) Salah satu upacara daur hidup ialah upacara kematian. Dalam upacara kematian, pertukaran sosial dapat berbentuk saling memberikan tenaga bantuan, benda-benda, termasuk hewan, dalam hal kerbau dan babi yang dipergunakan sebagai hewan sesaji dalam pelaksanaan upacara kematian tersebut. "

"ABSTRAKSkripsi ini menitikberatkan pembahasannya pada upacara pemakaman masyarakat Toraja Sa'dan di Kelurahan Pangala yang masih terus diselenggarakan oleh masyarakat setempat hingga sekarang ini. Kemudian, dari pembahasan upacara pemakaman ini akan dapat difahami struktur sosial di Kelurahan Pangala tersebut. Dalam skripsi ini digambarkan bagaimana upacara kematian dan pemakaman yang tradisional dan yang sekarang ini diselenggarakan. Di mana terlihat ada perbedaan pada kedua upacara tersebut. Hal ini disebabkan karena adanya proses modernisasi yang terjadi dalam masyarakat Toraja Sa'dan tersebut, yaitu antara lain dengan masuknya agama Kristen dan pendidikan barat. Kemudian dalam skripsi ini juga digambarkan secara lengkap bagaimana upacara pemakaman masa kini diselenggarakan, dengan mengambil contoh dari dua upacara pemakaman yang terjadi di Kelurahan Pangala, Tana Toraja pada dewasa ini. Maksud penggambaran kedua upacara pemakaman tersebut adalah untuk melihat struktur sosial masyarakat Toraja Sa'dan di Kelurahan Pangala dewasa ini. Maksud permasalahan yang ingin dilihat dalam skripsi ini adalah mengapa dan bagaimana upacara pemakaman orang Toraja Sa'dan masih dapat bertahan sampai sekarang. Masalah tersebut didasarkan atas proposisi bahwa suatu upacara pemakaman sekarang ini dapat masih berlangsung, karena ada struktur sosial masyarakat setempat yang mendukungnya. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa upacara pemakaman dewasa ini dapat bertahan karena struktur sosial masyarakat setempat masih mendukung upacara pemakaman orang Toraja Sa'dan, di Kelurahan Pangala Tana Toraja. Hal tersebut dapat dilihat dari peran-peran dan kedudukan-kedudukan yang ada dalam upacara serta hubungan-hubungan sosial yang bersifat tradisional yang masih terwujud dan memegang peranan penting dalam upacara pemakaman orang Toraja Sa' dan, khususnya di Kelurahan Pangala. Tana Toraja"

"Toraja terkenal dengan rumah adatnya yaitu, Tongkonan dan juga upacara kematiannya yakni Rambu Solo’. Dalam pelaksanaan Rambu Solo’ tidak terlepas aturan-aturan yang terdapat dalam kepercayaan Aluk Todolo sebagai warisan leluhur masyarakat Toraja secara khusus kosmologinya. Pengaruh tersebut juga terlihat di rumah adat Toraja, yakni tongkonan. Dalam rambu solo’ sendiri ada beberapa tingkatan dengan berbagai macam kegiatan. Dalam skripsi ini dibahas mengenai keselarasan pola ruang yang ada dalam tongkonan dan juga rambu solo’. Data-data didapatkan melalui penelusuran studi literatur, survey langsung, wawancara, dan dilengkapi dengan menonton video dokumentasi. Untuk memperjelas keselarasan yang ada antara tongkonan dan rambu solo’ digunakan variabel yang sama untuk analisis organisasi ruangnya yakni, organisasi spasial, orientasi, sirkulasi, dan juga sumbu. Berdasarkan analisis yang dilakukan dapat disimpulkan bahwa keselarasan antara tongkonan dan rambu solo’ terlihat di organisasi spasial, orientasi dan juga sumbunya.

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Toraja is famous for its traditional house, the Tongkonan, and its death ceremony, Rambu Solo'. The implementation of Rambu Solo' cannot be separated from the rules contained in the belief of Aluk Todolo as the ancestral heritage of the Toraja people, specifically its cosmology. This influence can be seen in the Toraja traditional house, namely the tongkonan. In rambu solo' itself, there are several levels with various kinds of activities. This thesis discusses the alignment of the spatial patterns in the tongkonan and the rambu solo. The datas are collected through literature study, direct surveys, interviews, and equipped with watching video documentation. To clarify the interrelationship between tongkonan and rambu solo', the same variables are used to analyze the spatial organization, such as spatial organization, orientation, circulation, and axes. Based on the analysis conducted, it can be concluded that the alignment between the tongkonan and the rambu solo' is seen in the spatial organization, orientation, and also the axis."

"ABSTRACTThis dissertation discusses tau-tau as one of the funeral equipment (mmbu solo?) forthe Torajan noble society (lana' bulaan). Tau-tau is a ?statue? of a deceased person.There are 3 kinds of tau-tau: tau-tau nangka', tau-tau lampa?, and batelepong. After afuneral, only tau-tau nangka is placed on top of a cliff, alongside other previous tau-taunangira, while tau-tau lampa and batelepong are thrown to the shrubs.At first, tau-tau was worshiped and mourned by the Aluk to Dolo Torajan family andcommunity, but as the Torajan people left the Aluk to Dolo belief and most changetheir belief to Christiani or some change to Islam, tau-tau is no longer worshiped andmourned, but used to maintain and reinforce nobility. Therefore, tau-tau Aluk to Dolorituals are modified according to the belief of a family who practice the ritual.The phenomenon mentioned above is a general picture and a small part of tau-tau'sexistence and rituals in the past to present. Therefore, it is interesting to study it further;although Aluk to Dolo belief is gradually left behind by the Torajan people, almost allthe principles are still practiced in various rituals, to maintain custom and tradition inTorajan.This research's question is how the Torajan community conducts funeral where tau-tauis still made as a symbol of Torajan's nobility (although they do not practice Aluk toDolo), and the use of it in social life and rambu solo'ritual which are conducted byTorajan Aluk to Dolo community and modern Torajan community.This research uses Radcliffe-Brown's structure and function concept (1952), Durkheim(1954), Turner (1957, 1974), who suggest that religion reflects the structure of a socialsystem, and functions to maintain the system throughout time. Structure and function concept sees the community as a system of social structures. Structure in this case isreal pattems of relations or interactions among various social components - pattemswhich relatively last longer because those interactions occur in an approximatelyorganized way (Saifuddin, 2009. The function of religion is an effort to strengthen andreaffirm social solidarity, and as something that has a signilicant symbol to a group orcommunity. The existence of tau-tau?s function and meaning which continuouslychanged and modified (no longer suitable with Aluk to Dolo), is an indication that thetau-tau they made no longer has a sacred meaning.Findings in this research are: 1) Tau-tau is a personification, regarded as a reincarnationand the residence of the deccased?s spirit after a series of Aluk to Dolo ceremonies.Tau-tau is accepted as a depiction of the deceased, not only shaped by association ofcostume and ritual which affirms tau-tau as a ?reincarnation? of the deceased, but alsocaused by the positive response from Torajan conununity which submits to and acceptsthe lau-tau and considers it resembles, even similar to the deceased. This made tau-tauis highly respected and worshiped by the family and Torajan community in general, asif the person is still alive. 2) Tau-tau represents nobility. This is because the making oftau-tau is based on social stratification in Aluk to Dolo, which is still held firmly byToraja community up until now. Tau-tau as a representation of nobility also shows inhow attributes, costume, and how the costume is worn by tau-tau. For example, theheadband (passapu) on men, chignon (simbolon) on women, clothes (bayu), knee-length trousers (seppa tallu buku), sarong (dodo), puch to store betel and nut (sepu).In daily life, only noble society is allowed to wear the costume, while common peopleare not allowed to.Conclusion: The outcome of this research shows that the production of tau-tau as oneof the funeral equipments in Toraja?s noble families up to this day, has a close relationto an elfort of reaffirmation and reconfirmation in group solidarity, and has a significantsymbol in the families' social status in many ways, particularly in ceremonies where it isvery respected by the Toraja community. The existence of tau-tau in a Toraja's noblefamily funeral was a part of a religious ritual, Aluk to Dolo. Therefore, it is not easy fora noble to remove a habit of making a tau-tau or a statue portraying a deceased person,even though they have left Aluk to Dolo belief.Therefore, there are different kinds of tau-tau that consist of: 1) Original tau-tau (tau-tau Aluk to Dolo). It has a simple shape, not proportional, and entirely different fromthe deceased, placed at the funeral site, a spirit is believed to reside in the tau-tau, andis sacred. 2) Realistic tau-tau (Christian tau-tau). ldeal in shape and proportion, andresembles the deceased, placed at the funeral site, and profane. 3) Portrait statue. Theshape, proportion and its style consider more on the artistic value to replicate thedeceased, and placed in houses as an artwork. 4) Souvenir tau-tau. Made with variousshapes, sizes, and materials, and sold around the funeral site and souvenir stores inRantepao and Makale."

"Ethnomusicological study on funeral songs and music of Toraja people, South Sulawesi, Indonesia."