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Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh munculnya Barat sebagai suatu peradaban baru yang lebih maju sebagai  fenomena global yang memengaruhi dan mengubah tatanan peradaban dan geopolitik dunia. Konsep sekuler Ali Abd ar-Raziq dan Soekarno merupakan produk dari fenomena tersebut. Studi ini bertujuan menjawab tiga pertanyaan: pertama, bagaimana latar belakang faktor internal dan eksternal yang memengaruhi pemikiran Negara Sekuler Ali Abd ar-Raziq di Mesir serta pemikiran Negara Pancasila Soekarno di Indonesia; kedua, Bagaimana kedua konsep pemikiran tersebut? dan ketiga, bagaimana perbandingan pemikiran-pemikiran tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori Negara Sekuler, Negara Pancasila. Sosialisasi Politik dan Perbandingan Politik. Metode penelitian yang digunakan bersifat deskriptif-analitis dengan memakai studi kepustakaan.

Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perbedaan pemikiran kedua tokoh tersebut disebabkan  perbedaan latar belakang, pendidikan, dan wawasan keagamaan. Soekarno adalah seorang politisi, negarawan, dan nasionalis radikal, sedangkan  Ali Abd ar-Raziq adalah seorang ulama, akademisi, dengan wawasan Islam yang luas dan modern. Keduanya ingin memisahkan Islam dan Negara, namun tujuan mereka berbeda. Ali Abd Ar-Raziq lebih cenderung ingin memurnikan Islam dari  politik yang dianggapnya kotor, sedangkan Soekarno ingin me’muda’kan agama dan menempatkannya di tempat yang mulia. Persamaan kedua pemikiran tersebut disebabkan oleh kondisi politik global. Pada saat itu, terjadi kolonialisme Barat yang menyebarkan pemikiran dan gagasan sekularisme. Di Timur Tengah, politik regional dipengaruhi oleh melemahnya Turki Usmani dan penjajahan Barat. Di Indonesia, politik regional dipengaruhi oleh bangkitnya nasionalisme negara-negara Asia terhadap kekuasaan kulit putih.

Kesimpulannya, secara nasional kondisi politik yang terjadi di Mesir dan Indonesia menjadi sebab utama munculnya gagasan Negara Sekuler dari Ali Abd ar-Raziq dan Negara Pancasila dari Soekarno. Munculnya ide sekuler di Indonesia didorong dan dipengaruhi oleh semangat ingin merdeka dari penjajahan Belanda dan kaum ulama yang berpikiran terbelakang. Gagasan sekuler Ali Abd ar-Raziq di Mesir muncul sebagai reaksi untuk mencegah keinginan Raja Fu’ad  menjadi khalifah di Mesir. Soekarno memandang hubungan negara dan agama Islam harus dipisahkan. Ia bermaksud membawa Indonesia agar lebih maju seperti bangsa Eropa, sedangkan Ali Abd ar-Raziq memandang bahwa Islam harus dipisahkan dari unsur-unsur negara secara yuridis. Menurutnya, khilafah tidak mempunyai legitimasi dari Al-Qur’an dan Hadits, maupun Ijma karena hal tersebut bukan merupakan institusi agama.

 

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This study is based on the advancement and rise of Western civilization, a global phenomenon that affected and transformed the world’s civilization and geopolitics. It produced Both Ali Abd ar-Raziq’s and Soekarno’s secular concepts of the State.

This research aims to answer the following questions: First, what are the internal and external factors that affected Ali Abd ar-Raziq-s concept of the Secular State in Egypt and Soekarno concept of the Pancasila State? Second, what are the two concepts of the State? Third, what are the similarities and differences between the two concepts? This study uses the Secular State theory, the Pancasila State theory, the Political Socialization theory, and the Political Comparison theory. The method used is descriptive-analytical and the information are gathered through literary review.

The principal finding of this research reveals that the differences between the two is caused because of a difference in background, education, and religious knowledge. Soekarno was a politician, statesman, and radical nationalist. Ali Abd ar-Raziq was a religious scholar, as well as an individual with a broader and more modern Islamic knowledge. Although both aimed to separate Islam and the State, they had a different motivation. Ali Abd Ar-Raziq wanted to cleanse Islam from politics, while Soekarno wanted to renew Islam and place it in a noble position. The similarities between the two concept lies in the global political condition at the time. During that period, Western colonization had spread secularism. While in a regional scope, the political condition was affected by the weakening of the Ottoman Dinasty in the Middle East and secularism. The political condition in Indonesia was influenced by the rise of nationalism in Asian countries towards colonization.

Conclusively, the political condition in Egypt and Indonesia is the catalyst of Ali Abd ar-Raziq and Soekarno’s conceopt  of the State. In Indonesia, secularism were highly influenced by the fervor to be from Dutch colonization and religious leaders with outdated thoughts and  beliefs. While in Egypt, secularism was a reaction towards King Fuad’s desire to be a Caliphate in Egypt. Soekarno opined that religion and the state must be separated, while Ali Abd ar-Raziq believed that Islam has to be separated from the State in legal terms because the Al-Qur’an, Hadits, and Ijma does not give a caliph legitimacy to rule a State as it is not a religious institution.

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"Sebagian besar pemikir politik Islam klasik, memandang bahwa hubungan agama dan negara adalah satu kesatuan yang organis, yang tidak dapat dipisahkan satu dengan yang lainnya. Bentuk kelembagaan bagi hubungan yang organik tersebut, muncul dalam bentuk khilafah, yang dianggap sebagai representasi sebuah sistem kekuasaan dan pemerintahan Islam, sejak dari zaman Abu Bakar Shidiq hingga berakhirnya kekhalifahan Usmani di Turki. Selama itulah kedudukan khalifah tetap aman dan selalu mendapat legitimasi dari para ulama yang memegang otoritas keagamaan dalam Islam. Kondisi tersebut menggambarkan hubungan antara politik atau kekuasaan dengan agama, sebagai hubungan simbiosis yang sating menguntungkan.Seiring dengan masuknya bangsa Eropa ke Timur Tengah, maka masuk pulalah pemikiran-pemikiran modern di kawasan tersebut. Salah satu diantara pemikiran tersebut adalah Sekularisme. Dengan faham itulah Ataturk di Turki mengejutkan dunia politik Islam dengan menggusur kekhalifahan Usmani yang memang sudah lemah. Menyusul satu tahun kemudian AIi Abd Raziq di Mesir dengan menerbitkan bukunya "Islam wa Ushul al-hukmmr ; Buhl fi al-Khila_;ah wa al-Hukumah fi al-Islam", yang juga inengkritisi eksistensi khilafah yang selama itu "disucikan". Namun keduanya menganggap bahwa khilafah adalah rezim otoritarianisme dan absolutisme yang tidak lagi relevan di zaman modem ini.

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Mostly classical Islamic political scholar, looking that the relation of religion and state is one organic union, inseparable one with other. Form of the institutution for those relation, emerge in the form of khilafah, what is considered_ to be representation a system of power and Islamic, governance, since Abu Bakar Shidiq till the end of Usmani Emperor in Turki. During that's dimiciling khalifah remain to be peaceful and always get the legitimation from all moslem scholar, whom had holding religious authority in Islam, The Condition depict the relation of between politics or power with religion, as mutual symbiosis a profiting relation.

With the arrival of Europe people to Mid-East area, they bring the new ideology to the area, one of that ideology is Secularisme. With that ideology Ataturk in Turki set the river on fire the Islamic politics by aborting imperium Usmani which is true have weak. One year later, then Ali Abd Raziq in Egypt, also critizied the khilafah power by publishing his book " Islam of Ida Ushul alhuk'n ; Bahs El al-Khilafah wa al-Hukumah fr al-Islwn", which is during that "sanctified". But both assuming that khilafah is regime of otoritarianisme and absolutisme which shall no longger be relevant in this modem epoch.

Both emerging almost at the same time, with the same opinion, and global political in a same condition, regional and national which more or less is equal. Even both dissociated by far distancer, owning different personality, with the different of intellectual background, and of course own the different target, hence non an matter which coincidence happened, if both sudden emerge at the time of and same condition. This is one of reason disturbing to be checked in this thesis."

"Pada bulan Maret 1924 Kemal Attaruk, Kepala Negara Turki, mengumumkan dihapuskannya Khilafah Islamiah dan negaranya, dan gema dari kebijakan tersebut berkumandang ke seluruh penjuru dunia Islam. Tiga belas bulan kemudian, tepatnya April 1925 Syeik All Abdul Raziq, seorang ulama al-Azhar dan Hakim Syari'ah di al-Mansyhurah, Mesir, menerbitkan sebuah buku berjudul "al Islam wa Ushul al-Huhn : bahsun flu khilafah wal hukrrmah fills/am" yang berisi tentang tuntutan penghapusan kekhilafahan dan pengikaran eksistensinya dalam ajaran Islam. Maka muncullah reaksi keras. dari berbagai kalangan masyarakat di Mesir, negara-negara Arab dan dunia Islam. Akibatnya Ali Abd al-Raziq dipecat dari jabatan Hakim al Mansyhurah dan dicoret namanya dari jajaran ulama al-Azhar.Tesis ini merupakan telaahan kembali pemikiran Ali Abd al-Raziq dalam buku karangannya itu dan ditujuankan untuk mengetahui lebih detail dari konsepsi politik yang digagas olehnya. Sekaligus menguji sejauh mana konsepsi politik Ali Abd al-Raziq menurut perspektif al-Quran dan al-Hadist, dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif ,pendekatan fenomologis dan metode analisis deskriptif serta komparatif.Dari hasil penelitian diatas penulis temukan bahwa Ali Abdul al-Raziq termasuk pemikir politik Islam yang paling kontroversial saat itu. Paham dan pendapatnya sangat bertentangan dengan para alim ulama al-Azhar dan umat Islam lainya khususnya tentang Khilafah dan Negara. Sebagian besar umat Islam dan ulama menganggap dan menyatakan Khilafah Islamiah wajib hukumnya dan masalah tersebut sudah final serta establish dikalangan masyarakat Islam umumnya dan dunia Arab khususnya. Sebaliknya, menurut All Abd al-Raziq, realitas sejarah Islam tidaklah memberikan keharusan bentuk organisasi politiknya bernama khilafah dan pimpinannya disebut sebagai khalifah. Hal ini dapat dilihat dengan hilangnya peran kedaulatan rakyat dalam proses politik dan terbentuknya sistem khilafah yang berdasarkan keturunan sebagai refleksi hilangnya essensi ajaran Islam dari amaliah di bidang politik.Gagasan politik al-Raziq yang demikian itu terlahir sebagai akibat bergolaknya revolusi politik yang telah memisahkan kekuasaan politik keagamaan yang begitu mendominasi di dunia Islam, terutama yang terdekat dengan ingkar kehidupannya seperti revolusi Oktober 1917, revolusi Marxis-Leninisme, dan revolusi Turki 1925 dengan bentuk sekularismenya, serta timbulnya nasionalisme Arab yang telah melahirkan kerajaan.Kiranya kondisi sosio-politik yang demkkian inilah yang mendorong hingga ia berteori perlunya pemisahan antara agama dan negara (politik). Tampaknya dengan teorinya ini, ia ingin menemukan konsep politik yang Islami, namun dibahasakan dengan perlunya pemisahan antara agama clan politik yang keduanya tidak mungkin dapat disatukan. Menurutnya agama bersifat sakral, sedangkan politik bersifat lebih profan.

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In March 1924 Kemal Attaruk, Turkish Head of State, announced the abolisment of Khilafah Islamiah Islamic Goverment System from his country, and resonance of the policy reverberated to all Islamic states. Thirteen months afterward, precisely in April 1925, Syeikh Ali Abdul al-Raziq, a syari'ah judge in al-Manshurah, Egypt, published a book entitled " al-Islam wa Ushul aI Hukm" that contains his demand to abolish Khalifah system and denial of its existence in Islamiah leading. His notions brought strong reactions from various social classes in Egypt, Arabic countries and Moslem World. As a consequences, Ali Abd al-Raziq was fired on his position a judge in al-Manshurah, and his name was eliminated from al-Azhar ulama's line.

This thesis is a restudy over the ideas of Ali Abdul al-Raziq in his book, and it is aimed at understanding the theory in a more detailed. In addition it is also meant to examine the political concept developed by. Ali Abd al-Raziq pursuant to the perspective of Alquran and Al hadist by using the method of qualitative research, phenomenal approach, and descriptive and comparative analysis methods.

The result of the studies the writer has done revealed that Ali Abdul al-Raziq was one of the most controversial Islamic thinkers at that time. His apprehension and notions were contrary to those of ulemas of al-Azhar and most Moslem, particulary on Khilafah and State. Most moslem and ulernas considered and confirmed Khilafah Isiamiah was compulsory and has been final as well as had been establishing among the Moslem world in general and in the Arabic world in particular. On the contrary, All Abdul al-Raziq asserted that Islamic historical reality did not specify a political organization named Khilafah, with its leader called Khalifah, a compulsory. This case could be observed from the fading out of the role of people sovereignty in the political process, and the formation of Khilafah System which was based on heredity as a reflection of the fading out of the essence of Islamism from political practices.

Raziq' s political notions seemed to emerge due to the breaking out of political revolutions leading to the separation of state affairs from religious affairs which at the time dominated the Moslem world. The said revolutions include the October 1917 Revolution, the Marais-Leninism Revolution and the 1925 Turkish Revolution with its secular form of state. In addition, Raziq's political notions were also more or less influenced by the emerge of Arab's nationalism that had produced Arabic kingdoms.

It appeared such socio-political conditions that had encouraged Raziq to think of the need to separate religious affairs from state affairs. It seemed Raziq 'with this theory would like to find an Islamic political conception, but it was represented by the need of separation of religious affairs from state affairs which the two was impossible to be fused. According to Raziq, religion affairs have a sacred characteristic, but political affairs much more profane or secular."

"[ABSTRAKMasyarakat dan keadilan sosial adalah kedua tema pembahasan yang tidak terpisahkan. Baik dari pemikiran sosial-politik Barat maupun Timur, pembahasan mengenai bagaimana masyarakat seharusnya dan apa yang disebut dengan keadilan sosial terus didiskusikan dari waktu ke waktu. Perbedaan muncul tatkala gagasan mengenai masyarakat dan keadilan sosial dipengaruhi oleh kondisi sosial politik yang ada dan dipengaruhi oleh corak keyakinan agama. Sayyid Qutb dan Ali Syariati memiliki ideologi tersendiri mengenai masyarakat dan keadilan sosial.Sayyid Qutb yang merupakan salah satu tokoh utama gerakan Ikhwanul Muslimin pada masa rezim Gamal Abdul Nasser berusaha menanamkan Islamisme fundamental dalam memahami tatanan masyarakat ideal dan mewujudkan keadilan sosial dengan menekankan perhatiannya pada penerapan hukum Syariah Islam dan mendirikan negara Islam yang adil, plural, harmonis, dan supra nasional. Ia banyak mengungkapkan idealismenya tersebut dalam karya-karyanya seperti Ma?alim fi at Thariq, al Adalah al Ijtima?iyyah fi al Islam, Tafsir fi Zilal Quran, dan judul-judul lainnya.Sementara Ali Syariati yang seorang intelektual dan ideolog revolusi Iran, meski menjadikan Islam sebagai landasan pemikirannya, lebih memusatkan perhatiannnya kepada bagaimana melakukan perubahan sosial untuk menemukan jati diri bangsa Iran. Karya-karyanya lebih banyak menyerukan kepada bagaimana masyarakat yang ideal dan keadilan sosial yang sangat dipengaruhi oleh corak aliran Sosialisme. Ia aktif memberikan ceramah di universitas dan lembaga keagamaan seperti Hosseiniyeh Ershad. Karya-karyanya yang terkenal baik berupa buku, syair, maupun kumpulan ceramahnya yang dibukukan seperti On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, dan lainnya.

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ABSTRACTSociety and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles.;Society and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles.;Society and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles.;Society and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles.;Society and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles.;Society and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles., Society and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles.]"

"Abdurrahman Wahid adalah figur yang menarik dan pemikirannya tentang hubungan Islam dan negara yang disertai argumen-argumen dan praksis yang sering kontroversial, telah menjadi salah satu arus besar dalam khasanah intelektual dan perpolitikan kontemporer di Indonesia. Dalam hal ini, selain mempunyai implikasi secara normatif-substansial, Abdurrahman Wahid secara empirik-prosedural memainkan peran yang lebih besar dan berimplikasi luas dalam realitas politik. Hal ini dikarenakan Abdurrahman Wahid dalam aktivitasnya lebih kuat warna politiknya daripada warna akademisnya. Hal ini kemudian yang menyulitkannya untuk mewujudkan cita-citanya untuk menjadi seorang guru bangsa, yang dapat berdiri di atas semua golongan dan kelompok kepentingan.Penelitian yang dititikberatkan pada library research ini dimaksudkan untuk memetakan, menggambarkan dan menganalisis penolakan Abdurrahman Wahid terhadap negara Islam di Indonesia. Dari pemetaan ditemukan bahwa penolakan Abdurrahman Wahid tersebut tidak dapat digolongkan ke dalam satu pemahaman, 'secara normatif-substansial atau secara empirik-prosedural; karena pemikiran Abdurrahman Wahid secara normatif dan empirik, ditemukan butir-butir pemikirannya yang berkelindan satu sama lain.Penerimaan Abdurrahman Wahid terhadap Pancasila sebagai ideologi kebangsaan, Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia sebagai bentuk finalitas negara bangsa di Indonesia, dan masyarakat Indonesia demokratis yang dicita-citakannya; adalah wujud dari penolakannya terhadap gagasan masyarakat atau negara Islam di Indonesia dari kalangan Islam modernis.Walaupun secara umum, praktek politik Abdurrahman Wahid liberal dan sekuler, tetapi gagasannya tentang negara berakar dan dielaborasi dari keyakinan Abdurrahman Wahid terhadap Islam, baik Islam sebagai nilai-nilai ajaran maupun Islam sejarah. Sikap Abdurrahman Wahid yang moderat, inklusif, dan eklektis pada dasarnya adalah pengaruh ke-NU-annya yang sangat diwarnai oleh tradisi Sunni."

"Artikel ini membahas mengenai pandangan Hartono Ahmad Jaiz terhadap pemikiran Islam liberal mengenai penerapan syariat Islam, hubungan Islam dan politik, dan demokrasi dalam kurun waktu 1998 sampai tahun 2005. Pemikiran sekuler Islam liberal berkembang pada masa Orde Baru ketika ada pembatasan aspirasi Islam politik. Pada masa Reformasi, gagasan sekuler tetap berkembang. Kritik terhadap Islam liberal semakin masif yang salah satunya datang dari Jaiz. Fokus permasalahan dalam artikel ini adalah mengapa Jaiz kritis terhadap pemikiran politik sekuler Islam liberal di Indonesia pada era Reformasi dari tahun 1998 sampai 2005. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah dengan langkah heuristik, verifikasi, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Saat ini belum ada penelitian mengenai pandangan Jaiz terhadap pemikiran sekuler Islam liberal pada era Reformasi sampai tahun 2005. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa pandangan kritis Jaiz disebabkan oleh dua faktor yang berkaitan yaitu kewajiban amar ma’ruf nahi munkar dan pemanfaatan demokratisasi serta agenda supremasi hukum. Dua faktor tersebut mendorong Jaiz dalam menyuarakan dukungan terhadap formalisasi Islam dalam politik yang jelas berbenturan dengan pandangan sekuler Islam liberal. Sikap kritis Jaiz merupakan cerminan Jaiz sebagai peneliti dan wartawan.

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This article discusses about Hartono Ahmad Jaiz's views on liberal Islamic thoughts on the implementation of Islamic law, relation of Islam and politis, and democracy in 1998 to 2005. Islamic liberal secular thought developed in the New Order era when political Islamic aspirations were restriced. Currrently in the Reformasi era, secular thought is still developing. Criticism towards liberal Islam became more massive and one of the critics is Jaiz. The main focus of this article is to find out why Jaiz is critical towards liberal Islamic secular thought in the reformation era from 1998 to 2005. This paper uses the historical method which included heuristic, verification, interpretation, and historiography. Currently, there is no research examining Jaiz's views on liberal Islamic secular thought during the Reformasi era until 2005. This research find the causes of Jaiz's critical are two related factors, obligation of amar ma'ruf nahi munkar and utilization of democratization and law supremacy agenda in Reformasi. These two factors encouraged Jaiz to voice his support towards the formalization of Islam in politics, which clashes with the secular view of liberal Islam. Jaiz's critical view was his reflection as researcher and journalist."