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"Tesis ini bertujuan untuk melihat bagaimana modal sosial dimanfaatkan dalam proses pemilihan calon gubernur perempuan di Pilkada 2018. Subjek penelitian adalah Karolin Margret Natassa calon gubernur Kalimantan Barat dan Khofifah Indar Parawansa di Jawa Timur. Fenomena ini perlu dikaji secara mendalam melalui paradigma konstruktif, untuk mengetahui bagaimana kedua perempuan ini membentuk dan menggunakan modal sosialnya untuk bisa menang sebagai gubernur, posisi yang jarang diisi perempuan sejak era Pilkada dimulai. Analisis modal sosial ditempatkan pada tingkat mikro (individu) dalam dimensi struktural (jaringan) menggunakan teori Modal Sosial Pierre Bourdieu dan Robert Putnam. Penelitian ini juga ingin mengidentifikasi jalur politik seperti apa yang membawa perempuan ke dalam kontestasi politik, dan bagaimana hal tersebut dapat mempengaruhi pola instrumentalisasi modal sosial mereka. Prosedur penelitian dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif dimana pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui wawancara mendalam dengan informan kunci dan informan kunci. Temuan ini semakin diperdalam dengan studi literatur. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Karolin dan Khofifah memiliki jenis ikatan jejaring sosial yang berbeda dalam proses pemberdayaan modal sosialnya. Karolin merupakan tipe Bonding (dengan karakter keterikatan dan fokus pada penguatan intenal), sementara Khofifah merupakan tipe Bridging dan Linking, dimana kepercayaan yang diperoleh (earned trust) dipergunakan sebagai basis modal sosial yang berfungsi menjembatani kepentingan antar kelompok untuk kemudian diaktifkan sebagai instrumen menuju kepentingan pribadi. Hasil penelitian juga berhasil mengidentifikasi Karolin sebagai politisi dari jalur elit dan Khofifah sebagai politisi dari jalur akar rumput

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This thesis aims to see how social capital is utilized in the process of selecting female gubernatorial candidates in the 2018 election. The research subjects were Karolin Margret Natassa of West Kalimantan and Khofifah Indar Parawansa of East Java. This phenomenon needs to be studied through a constructive paradigm, to find out how these two women formed and used their social capital to win as governors, a position that has rarely been filled by women since the direct local election era began. A social capital analysis is placed at the micro (individual) level in the structural (network) dimension using the Social Capital theory of Pierre Bourdieu and Robert Putnam. This research also wanting to identifies what kind of political pathways lead women into political contestation, and how it can affect the instrumentalization pattern of their social capital. The research procedure was carried out using qualitative methods where data collection was carried out through in-depth interviews with key informants and then deepened by literature studies. The results showed that Karolin and Khofifah have different types of social network ties in the process of utilizing their social capital. Karolin is a Bonding type (Same identity with strong ties characteristic and more focusing on internal traits), while Khofifah is a Bridging and Linking type, where the earned trust is used to bridge the interests of groups and later to be activated as a ladder to her political interests. The results of the study also identified Karolin as a politician from the elite route and Khofifah as a politician from the grassroots route"

"Penelitian ini membahas mengenai Peran Muslimat NU sebagai civil society dalam memenangkan Khofifah Indar Parawansa dalam Pemilihan Gubernur Jawa Timur (Pilgub Jatim) tahun 2018. Penelitian ini berangkat dari adanya fakta bahwa civil society dalam hal ini Mulimat NU mengalami pergeseran peran yang awalnya berada di luar kekuasaan, kini mereka secara aktif memberikan dukungan mereka kepada calon-calon pemimpin daerah untuk memperjuangkan kepentingannya. Peran Muslimat NU sangat terlihat ketika dapat memenangkan lima kadernya di pemilihan gubernur Jawa Timur. Tipe penelitian ini adalah termasuk ke dalam penelitian kualitatif. Adapun teknik pengambilan data menggunakan in depth interview. Teori yang digunakan adalah konsep civil society dari Muthiah F Alagappa. Dilengkapi dengan peran civil society terhadap demokrasi, dan modal sosial dan modal politik. Hasil dari penelitian ini Muslimat NU adalah civil society karena mengisi ruang yang tidak dapat diisi oleh negara dan pasar, memiliki cita-cita normatif, berisikan aktor-aktor non-negara, dan berusaha mempengaruhi kebijakan negara. Muslimat NU juga berhasil memobilisasi partisipasi politik antar anggotanya, mengartikulasi dan mengagregasikan kepentingan mereka kepada Khofifah, dan mendiseminasi informasi kepada kadernya untuk memilih khofifah. Muslimat NU telah menjadi modal sosial dari Khofifah karena ia sudah menjadi ketua umum PP Muslimat NU sejak tahun 2000. Modal tersebut kemudian menjadi modal politik Khofifah ketika digunakan untuk memenangkan Khofifah. Aktifnya peran Muslimat NU dalam memperjuangkan kepentingan mereka di Pilkada dapat meningkatkan kualitas demokrasi di Indonesia.

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This research discusses the role of Muslimat NU as civil society in the winning of Khofifah Indar Parawansa for the East Java Governor Election (Pilgub Jatim) in 2018. This research iiciated from the fact that civil society, in this case Mulimat NU, has experienced a shift in roles that were originally out of power. Now on, they are actively giving their support to candidates for regional leaders for their interest. The role of Muslimat NU is visible when it is successfully lead five of its cadres won the election for governor of East Java. This type of research use qualitative approach. The data collection technique uses in-depth interviews. The theory used is the concept of civil society from Muthiah F Alagappa. Further, it is equipped with the role of civil society in democracy, and social and political capital. The result of this research is that Muslimat NU is a civil society because it fills a space that cannot be filled by the state and market, has normative ideals, contains non-state actors, and tries to influence state policy. Muslimat NU has also succeeded in mobilizing political participation among its members, articulating and aggregating their interests to Khofifah, as well as disseminating information to its cadres to vote for Khofifah. Muslimat NU has become the social capital of Khofifah because she has been the chairman of PP Muslimat NU since 2000. This capital, later became Khofifah's political capital when it was used to win the election. The active role of Muslimat NU in fighting for their interests in the regional election can improve the quality of democracy in Indonesia."

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh keunikan budaya yang dimiliki oleh masyarakat Minangkabau di Sumatera Barat. Tingginya posisi perempuan Minang darin aspek sosial dan budaya tidak berbanding lurus dengan kedudukan dalam politik, yang terlihat dari masih sedikitnya perempuan yang memiliki powsisi menentukan dalam politik dan pemerintahan. Juga tercermin dari jumlah keterwakilan di DPRD yang masih jauh dari kuota 30 yang dinyatakan dalam undang-undang.Fokus penelitian ini adalah pada bagaimana perempuan caleg yang ada di Sumatera Barat menggunakan modal sosial yang sudah ada, untuk mendapatkan posisi politik di DPRD. Penelitian ini dilakukan terhadap tiga orang perempuan caleg yang berhasil mendapatkan kursi di DPRD Sumatera Barat dalam Pemilu 2014. Teori utama yang digunakan adalah teori modal sosial Putnam, didukung oleh teori dari ahli lain seperti Uphoff, Grootaert, Coleman dan Lawang.Metode penelitian ini adalah kualitatif dengan studi kasus, dimana data-data didapatkan dari wawancara terhadap tiga perempuan caleg yang menang, kepada anggota jaringan yang dimiliki oleh perempuan caleg yang berasal dari organisai sosial dan tokoh adat dan kepada pengurus partai Golkar dan Nasdem yang merupakan partai yang mencalonkan perempuan caleg.Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa perempuan caleg yang menang dalam Pemilu 2014 untuk DPRD SUmatera Barat, memiliki modal sosial yang terdiri dari jaringan, norma dan kepercayaan. Pola jaringan merupakan personal berbentuk duaan ganda berlapis. Norma sebagai modal sosial dikaitkan dengan peran Ninik Mamak dan bundokanduang dalam mendukung keterpilihan perempuan caleg. Kepercayaan dari anggota jaringan dan norma yang berlaku di masyarakat terhadap posisi perempuan di Minangkabau adalah modal sosial kognitif.Temuan penelitian adalah bahwa dengan cara-cara yang tepat, seperti pendekatan silaturahim dengan tokoh masyarakat dan tokoh adat, kampanye door to door maka modal sosial dapat memengaruhi kemenangan caleg perempuan di Sumatera Barat. Filosofi penggunaan modal sosial oleh perempuan caleg di Minangkabau adalah cancang aia ndak kaputuih, yang artinya bahwa hubungan yang terbangun dari kedekatan karena satu kaum, satu alumni organisasi dan satu kampung 3H: sadarah, sabagarah, sadaerah diibaratkan seperti mencincang air, yang tak akan pernah putus.

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ABSTRACTThe background behind this dissertation is the unique culture of the Minangkabau people in West Sumatera. Viewed from a social and cultural aspect, women 39;s high social standing in the Minangkabau Society is incongruent to their position in politics, as women only hold a smal number of seats in the government. The number of female representatives in the Regional People 39;s Representatives Council DPRD is also far from the thirty percent quota that is written in the law.The main focus of this study is how women, as representatives in council, are able to gain gain their seats using pre-existing social capital. This study is centered around three female candidates that has managed to secure the seats in council.The main theory used in this study is Putnam 39;s social capital theory, and it is supported by theories from experts such Uphoff, Grootaert, Coleman and Lawang. This research uses qualitative method and executes it through interviews with three femal candidates who come from social organization, traditional leaders, and party officials from Golkar and Nasdem the parties which nominated these women .The principal findings of this study reveal that femal candidates who secured their seats in the 2014 regional election have one common similarity-all of these women have social capital consisting of network, norms, and trust. The network a person has is personal in nature and considered double-layared. a person 39;s belief and the norms a person upholds, if consistent with those of society 39;s, is considered as cognitive social capital.the theoretical implication of this study shows that, using the correct methods, such as personally approaching traditional leaders adn doing door to door campaign, could increase a person 39;s social capital. social capital can influence the victory of women candidates in West Sumatera. The philosophy behind the use of social capital is cancang aia dak kaputuih, which means mincing water that will never break "

"ABSTRAK

Pada periode pemilu 2004, 2009 dan 2014, PKS merupakan satu-satunya partai politik dengan keterpilihan perempuan paling sedikit di antara partai politik lain. Namun pada pemilu 2019 perolehan kursi bagi perempuan caleg PKS mengalami peningkatan yang signifikan. Dalam penelitian ini menguraikan mengenai proses kandidasi dan faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi keterpilihan perempuan caleg PKS pada pemilu 2004-2019. Hasil dari pembahasan penelitian ini adalah keterpilihan caleg perempuan PKS pada pemilu 2004-2014 dipengaruhi oleh proses kandidasi yang melihat modal politik dan jaringan modal sosial. Sementara pada pemilu 2019 keterpilihan beberapa perempuan caleg PKS dipengaruhi adanya male power relation dari elit lokal yang pernah dan sedang menjabat sebagai kepala daerah. Perbedaan tersebut menunjukkan adanya pergeseran proses kandidasi dalam PKS yang awalnya bersifat inklusif-eksklusif menjadi inklusif-pragmatis.

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ABSTRACT

 

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In the 2004, 2009 and 2014 election periods, PKS was the only political party with the least women elected among other political parties. But in the 2019 election the seats for PKS women candidates improved a significant increase. In this study describes the process of candidacy and the factors that influence the election of women PKS candidates in the 2004-2019 election. The result of this research discussion is the election of PKS women candidates in the 2004-2014 election by the process of candidation that looked at political capital and social capital networks. While in the 2019 election the electability of several PKS women candidates showed that there was a relationship of male power from the local elite who had and were being prepared as regional heads. This difference shows that there is a change in the process of candidacy in PKS that starts from inclusive-exclusive to pragmatic-inclusive.

 

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"Partai politik bukan menjadi satu – satunya kekuatan politik untuk dapat memenangkan Pilkada. Dibutuhkan kekuatan tambahan seperti jaringan politik organisasi masyarakat sipil. Seperti halnya di Jawa Timur, sejak keikutsertaan Khofifah Indar Parawansa pertama kali di Pemilihan Gubernur Jawa Timur tahun 2008, Khofifah sebagai ketua umum Muslimat NU menjadikan Muslimat NU sebagai salah satu kekuatan politiknya. Jaringan Muslimat NU yang mengakar di Jawa Timur dianggap sebagai modal penting untuk membantu Khofifah memenangkan Pemilihan Gubernur Jawa Timur. Dalam melihat bagaimana Khofifah menggunakan jaringan politik Muslimat NU dan menjadikannya sebagai tim sukses, penulis menggunakan teori jaringan politik dari Knoke (1990). Selain itu, penelitian ini juga akan menggunakan teori patronase dari Aspinall dan Sukmajati (2015) untuk melihat proses pendistribusian sumber daya dari Khofifah kepada pemilih melalui jaringan politik Muslimat NU. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, penelitian ini berargumen bahwa kemenangan Khofifah di Pemilihan Gubernur Jawa Timur tahun 2018 tidak terlepas dari adanya penggunaan jaringan politik Muslimat NU

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Political parties are not the only one political power to win elections. It is needed civil society as a success team. In East Java, since Khofifah Indar Parawansa's first participation in the East Java Gubernatorial Election in 2008, Khofifah as the general chairman of Muslimat NU has made Muslimat NU one of its political forces. The Muslimat NU network which has roots in East Java is considered an important asset to help Khofifah win the East Java Gubernatorial Election. In seeing how Khofifah uses the Muslimat NU political network and makes it a successful team, the author uses Knoke's (1990) political network theory. In addition, this study will also use the patronage theory from Aspinall and Sukmajati (2015) to see the process of distributing resources from Khofifah to voters through the Muslimat NU political network. By using qualitative methods, this study argues that Khofifah's victory in the 2018 East Java Gubernatorial Election was inseparable from the use of the Muslimat NU political network."

"Pencalonan jalur perseorangan pada pilkada langsung di Kabupaten Garut cenderung mengalami penurunan. Dibandingkan pelaksanaan pilkada 2008 dan pilkada 2013, partisipasi bakal pasangan calon dalam pilkada Kabupaten Garut 2018 menunjukkan angka yang paling sedikit. Permasalahan tersebut dikarenakan adanya aturan peningkatan syarat minimal dukungan yang harus dipenuhi oleh bakal pasangan calon sesuai UU Pilkada Nomor 10 Tahun 2016. Kajian ini berfokus pada peran modal politik, modal sosial dan modal ekonomi bagi bakal pasangan calon Suryana dan Wiwin Suwindaryati dalam pencalonan jalur perseorangan pada pilkada Kabupaten Garut tahun 2018, melalui teori modal Pierre Bourdieu (1992) terutama terkait dengan modal politik, modal sosial dan modal ekonomi serta relasi kepemilikan modal dengan pencalonan jalur perseorangan. Untuk memperkuat teori modal politik Pierre Bourdieu dalam penelitian ini, didukung oleh teori modal politik oleh John A. Booth dan Patricia Bayer Richard (1998). Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif melalui wawancara mendalam, dan studi literatur. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa peran modal politik yang terakumulasi dengan kekuatan modal sosial dan modal ekonomi, memengaruhi kekuatan politik dan strategi pasangan calon Suryana dan Wiwin Suwindaryati dalam memenuhi syarat minimal dukungan pada tahap pencalonan perseorangan. dalam pilkada Kabupaten Garut 2018.

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Nominations for the individual path during the direct election in Garut district tend to fall. In comparison to the 2008 and 2013 elections, the number of individual candidate pairs participating in the 2018 Garut district election was the lowest. This problem is due to the rules for increasing the minimum support requirements that must be met by prospective pairs of candidates according to Election Law Number 10 of 2016. This study focuses on the role of political capital, social capital, and economic capital for the prospective candidates, Suryana and Wiwin Suwindaryati, in the nomination of the individual path in the 2018 Garut district election. Bourdieu's theory of capital (1992), mainly related to political capital, social capital, and economic capital, as well as the relationship between capital ownership and the nomination of the individual path. To strengthen Pierre Bourdieu's theory of political capital in this study, it is supported by the theory of political capital by John A. Booth and Patricia Bayer Richard (1998). This research was conducted using qualitative methods through in-depth interviews and literature studies. The results of this study indicate that the role of political capital, which is accumulated with the strength of social capital and economic capital, affects the political power and strategy of the candidate pair of Suryana and Wiwin Suwindaryati in meeting the minimum support requirements at the individual nomination stage in the 2018 Garut Regency Election."

"Kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut merupakan bentuk upaya kesetaraan gender bagi kaum perempuan untuk bisa menjadi anggota legislatif di Indonesia. Rendahnya keterwakilan perempuan di Indonesia tidak sebanding dengan jumlah pemilih perempuan Indonesia yang mencapai 50 persen dari pemilih laki-laki pada tahun 2014. Pada pemilu tahun 2014 jumlah calon anggota DPR RI perempuan yang mendaftar untuk menjadi anggota DPR RI meningkat, namun anggota DPR RI perempuan yang terpilih di tahun 2014 justru menurun dari 18 persen di tahun 2009 menjadi 17,32 persen di tahun 2014. Penurunan keterwakilan perempuan di DPR RI disebabkan oleh berbagai faktor baik dari pelaksana kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut maupun dari budaya yang melekat di masyarakat. Kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut telah diterapkan secara optimal oleh partai politik peserta pemilu legislatif 2014. Namun kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut belum efektif dapat meningkatkan keterwakilan perempuan, hal ini karena kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut hanya salah satu upaya dalam meningkatkan keterpilihan perempuan di DPR RI. Oleh karena itu dalam mencapai tujuan kesetaraan antara laki-laki dan perempuan di DPR RI diperlukan sinergi yang lebih optimal dari partai politik dengan bentuk perbaikan sistem rekrutmen dan kaderisasi.

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Affirmative and serial number policy is a form of gender equality for women to become legislative members in Indonesia. The low representation of women in Indonesia is not comparable with the number of female Indonesian voters who reach 50 percent of male voters in 2014. In the 2014 election the number of candidates for DPR RI women who register to become members of the House of Representatives increased, but members of the House of Representatives of women Elected in 2014 actually decreased from 18 percent in 2009 to 17.32 percent in 2014. Decreased representation of women in the House of Representatives is caused by various factors both from executing affirmative policies and serial numbers as well as from culture inherent in the community. Affirmative and sequential number policies have been applied optimally by political parties participating in the 2014 legislative elections. However, affirmative and sequential numbers have not been effective in increasing women 39 s representation, as affirmative and serial numbering is only one of efforts to improve women 39 s election in DPR RI. Therefore, in achieving the objectives of equality between men and women in the House of Representatives is required a more optimal synergy of political parties with a form of improvement of recruitment and regeneration system."

"Debat Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2017 merupakan wadah bagi para pasangan calon gubernur (cagub) dan calon wakil gubernur (cawagub) untuk mengukur kompetensi dan kelayakannya sebagai orang nomor 1 dan 2 di Provinsi DKI Jakarta. Untuk mendapatkan perhatian, dukungan, dan kepercayaan warga DKI Jakarta, para pasangan calon gubernur dan calon wakil gubernur melakukan hal yang disebut tindak tutur performatif dalam menyampaikan gagasan dan programnya ketika beradu pendapat. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mengidentifikasi jenis dan maksud tindak tutur performatif yang digunakan para pasangan calon gubernur dan calon wakil gubernur. Data penelitian ini adalah seluruh tuturan para pasangan calon gubernur dan calon wakil gubernur pada segmen empat, lima, dan enam dalam debat perdana. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa terdapat tindak tutur performatif dalam Debat Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2017 dengan jenis asertif, direktif, komisif, ekspresif, dan deklarasi dengan maksud memosisikan penutur dalam kebenaran, memengaruhi mitra tutur untuk melakukan sesuatu, menunjukkan komitmen penutur pada masa mendatang, mengutarakan sikap perasaan penutur, dan mengetahui penyebutan suatu hal.

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Jakarta Gubernatorial Election debate 2017 was a stage for governors candidates and vice governors candidates to show their competence and expediency as the number 1 and 2 in DKI Jakarta. To get interest, support, and trust from DKI Jakartas citizens, the candidates did acts in deliver their ideas and programs. This acts are called performative utterance. The purpose of the research is to identify kind and meaning of the performative utterance that the candidates used. The research data are the candidates utterance from segment four, five, and six of first Jakarta Gubernatorial Election debate. The research output are performative utterance in Jakarta Gubernatorial Election debate 2017, with kind assertive, directive, commisive, expressive, and declarative, with meaning to place the speaker as the truth, to influence audience to do something, to show speakers commitment in the future, to explain speakers sentiments attitude, and to know matters mentioning."

"[ABSTRAKTesis ini menggambarkan tentang modal sosial dan strategi yang digunakankelima Anggota legislatif perempuan terpilih di Sulawesi Selatan. Latar belakangpenulisan yaitu berawal dari fakta yang dilihat dari hasil pemilu tahun 2014khususnya Provinsi Sulawesi Selatan dimana dari lima Anggota legislatifperempuan yang terpilih merupakan keluarga dari para penguasa yang ada didaerah tersebut meskipun dalam pertarungan perebutan kursi DPR RI, terdapatbanyak calon perempuan yang juga berasal dari kalangan aktivis perempuan.Dengan metode kualitatif, hasil yang diperoleh yaitu modal sosial yang dimilikioleh masing-masing Anggota legislatif perempuan yang terpilih menjadi kuncimereka untuk terlibat dalam pencalonan pada pemilu 2014 silam. Faktorfaktornyaadalah pertama, karena kelima Anggota legislatif perempuan terpilihmerupakan keluarga dari penguasa di daerah Sulawesi Selatan, maka denganmudah dukungan birokrasi diberikan kepada mereka. Kedua, adanya beberapabentuk kecurangan seperti money politics serta bentuk pelanggaran pemilu gunamemenangkan kelimanya menyebabkan mereka berhasil memperoleh suara yangsignifikan di daerah dimana keluarga mereka berkuasa.

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ABSTRACT

This thesis describes social capital and strategies used five female legislators elected in South Sulawesi Background of writing that originated from the fact that seen from the election results in 2014 especially South Sulawesi province where five legislators of elected women is the family of rulers in the area despite the fight for the seat of Parliament there are many female candidates are also come from women activists With qualitative methods the results obtained by the social capital which is owned by their respective legislative Members woman to be elected to key them to be involved in the nomination of the 2014 elections ago The factors is the first as the fifth legislative Members elected women is the family of the ruler in the area of South Sulawesi it can easily support given to their bureaucracy Second the existence of some form of fraud such as money politics as well as the violation of the election in order to win his fifth cause they managed to gain a significant voice in the area where their families in power ;This thesis describes social capital and strategies used five female legislators elected in South Sulawesi Background of writing that originated from the fact that seen from the election results in 2014 especially South Sulawesi province where five legislators of elected women is the family of rulers in the area despite the fight for the seat of Parliament there are many female candidates are also come from women activists With qualitative methods the results obtained by the social capital which is owned by their respective legislative Members woman to be elected to key them to be involved in the nomination of the 2014 elections ago The factors is the first as the fifth legislative Members elected women is the family of the ruler in the area of South Sulawesi it can easily support given to their bureaucracy Second the existence of some form of fraud such as money politics as well as the violation of the election in order to win his fifth cause they managed to gain a significant voice in the area where their families in power ;This thesis describes social capital and strategies used five female legislators elected in South Sulawesi Background of writing that originated from the fact that seen from the election results in 2014 especially South Sulawesi province where five legislators of elected women is the family of rulers in the area despite the fight for the seat of Parliament there are many female candidates are also come from women activists With qualitative methods the results obtained by the social capital which is owned by their respective legislative Members woman to be elected to key them to be involved in the nomination of the 2014 elections ago The factors is the first as the fifth legislative Members elected women is the family of the ruler in the area of South Sulawesi it can easily support given to their bureaucracy Second the existence of some form of fraud such as money politics as well as the violation of the election in order to win his fifth cause they managed to gain a significant voice in the area where their families in power , This thesis describes social capital and strategies used five female legislators elected in South Sulawesi Background of writing that originated from the fact that seen from the election results in 2014 especially South Sulawesi province where five legislators of elected women is the family of rulers in the area despite the fight for the seat of Parliament there are many female candidates are also come from women activists With qualitative methods the results obtained by the social capital which is owned by their respective legislative Members woman to be elected to key them to be involved in the nomination of the 2014 elections ago The factors is the first as the fifth legislative Members elected women is the family of the ruler in the area of South Sulawesi it can easily support given to their bureaucracy Second the existence of some form of fraud such as money politics as well as the violation of the election in order to win his fifth cause they managed to gain a significant voice in the area where their families in power ]"