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"Tesis ini membahas fakta kedekatan diplomatik Ceska-Israel tidak menghasilkan kedekatan ekonomi kedua negara. Dalam penelitian ini, kedekatan ekonomi diukur dari volume perdagangan Ceska-Israel lalu dibandingkan dengan volume perdagangan Israel-anggota lain di Uni Eropa. Penelitian ini mengidentifikasi dan memaparkan penyebab volume perdagangan Israel-Ceska lebih rendah dibandingkan volume perdagangan Israel-negara lain di UE yang punya kedekatan politik setara. Kedekatan politik diukur lewat jumlah dan lokasi perwakilan diplomatik serta hasil pemungutan suara di sidang Majelis Umum Perserikatan Bangsa-bangsa. Sementara dari sisi ekonomi menerapkan pendekatan gravitasi, memanfaatkan indeks komplementaritas perdagangan (TCI) dan Indeks Perdagangan Intra-industri (IIT) untuk memeriksa perdagangan Israel-Ceska dan Israel-negara anggota UE lainnya. Pemeriksaan menggunakan UNCTAD, Bank Dunia, International Trade Center (Intracen), serta CEPII. Dalam penelitian ditemukan, Jerman, Perancis, dan Ceska paling dekat secara politik dengan dengan Israel. Walakin, karena kapasitas ekonomi dan jenis komoditas perdagangannya, volume perdagangan Israel-Ceska lebih rendah dibandingkan volume perdagangan Israel-Jerman atau Israel-Perancis. Ceska-Israel perlu meningkatkan aras komplementaritas komoditasnya untuk mendorong kenaikan volume perdagangan.

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This thesis discusses Czech-Israel diplomatic propinquity is not reflected in their economic relations. In this research, economic proximity is measured with trade volume between Czech and Israel and then compared with the trade volume of other countries in the European Union to Israel. This study identifies and describes causative factors Czech-Israel trade volume is lower than Israel-other EU member states trade volume. This study identifies and explains the causes of lower Israeli- Czech trade volume compared to Israel-Czech trade volumes in other EU countries that have equal political affinity. Political closeness is measured by the number and location of diplomatic representatives and the results of voting at the General Assembly of the United Nations. Meanwhile, from an economic perspective, applying a gravity approach, utilizing the trade complementarity index (TCI) and intra-industri trade index (IIT) to examine Israel-Czech trade and Israel-other EU member states. The examination uses data from UNCTAD, the World Bank, the International Trade Center (Intracen), and CEPII. In the study it was found that Germany, France, and the Czech Republic were closest politically to Israel. However, due to its economic capacity and the type of trading commodities, the Israeli-Czech trade volume is lower than the Israeli-German or Israeli-French trade volume. Czech-Israel needs to increase the level of complementarity of its commodities to encourage an increase in trade volume."

"Since May t, 2004 the European Union has consisted of 25 countries, with 455 million people. In 2004, EU international trade achieved Euro 1,990.5 billion or equivalent to 18% of world trade. EU is a potential market for Indonesian export commodities, but during year 2000 to 2004 there were tendencies that export values from Indonesia declined. Besides that most Indonesian export commodities to EU were still dominated by low technology products. In order to use this opportunity and to improve export performance, several actions should be taken, such as: increasing promotion activities, improving trade relation to EU new member from East Europe and conducting research cooperation between Indonesian and EU research institutions in product design and development."

"Pada 2013 Uni Eropa memperkuat hubungan dengan Ukraina dalam bidang Ekonomi dibawah Association Agreement. Posisi Rusia bersebrangan dengan proposal tersebut dan bermanuver terhadap situasi di Ukraina dengan menganeksasi Crimea. Untuk merubah manuver politik Rusia, Uni Eropa memberikan sanksi terhadap Rusia sebagai respon. Dan Rusia juga memberikan sanksi balasan dan memberikan signal negative terhadap beberapa sektor ekonomi pada negara anggota Uni Eropa. Makadari itu, sanksi ekonomi merupakan sebuh instrumen atau perang ekonomi" antara Uni Eropa dan Rusia. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah menganalisa dampak dari sanksi terhadap ekonomi negara anggota Uni Eropa dan analisis berlawanan untuk untuk mengeksplorasi dampak dari sanksi terhadap Ukraina dan Rusia. Variabel-variabel dalam thesis ini adalah total perdagangan seluruh komoditas dan perdagangan sektor energi. Teori Konflik dan Deterrence adalah perangkat analisis yang fundamental untuk menganalisis dampak negatif dari sanksi.

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In mid of 2013 the EU-Ukraine Council would like to strengthen the economic relation in order to comply the Association Agreement. Russia has opposed this proposal, and moreover aggravated the situation in Ukraine by annexing Crimea. For changing these Russian political maneuvers, EU has raised a sanction as a response. Russia did the same gauges which its contra sanction as a counterresponse and negative signal hampered severely some economic sectors of European Union members countries. Therefore, the economic sanction becomes an instrument or a proxy of (economic) war between EU and Russia.

Aim of research is to analyze the impact on economy in all EU member countries' economy, and reverse analysis for exploring the impact of sanction on Ukraine and Russia. Variables on this thesis are total commodities trade and energy trade between EU, Ukraine, and Russia. Conflict Theory and Deterrence Theory are fundamental tools that used to analyze the negative impact of sanction."

"Europe's attempts to be able to be more independent on security and defense areas have been started since it tried to create EDC 1950's as the first security cooperation. Though EDC was never formally conceived, Europe has continued its efforts to develop cooperations in security and defense areas. Fouchet Plan, EPC, SEA and CFSP are several examples of its efforts attempted to be independent in these areas. CFSP is one of Europe's greatest innovations in strengtening these efforts. Specific articles in Treaty of Maastricht and Treaty of Amsterdam state that CFSP is the guidelines of mapping Europe's common security policy that will lead to common defense. What is stated by the articles is ambiguous as Europe up to now is still dependent on NATO/the US and will continously do so, in contrary Europe has EU/WEU which has been determined as an organization that will implement EU's defense policies.

This thesis tries to find out which security organization Europe will later use as its main security instrument and whether Europe actually aims at common defense or merely at common defense policy. This thesis concludes that EU will combine the usage of EU/WEU and NATO. NATO will remain to be Europe's military defense organization and EU/WEU will develop to be the organization that will ensure the security of Europe. This is a fact of the attainment of common defense policy in regard that the formation of European Army, as a form of common defense, is not viable. The establishment of a common defense requires radical adaptations and changes, for instance, EU has to construct the Europe's Ministry of Defense, European Minister of Defense and European Army. CFSP/ESDP will continue to develop and to determine resolutions on Europe's security cooperations. As long as the three EU core states (England, Germany and France) maintains diverse perpectives on common security and defense concepts, Europe will remain dependent on those two organizations (EU/WEU and NATO)."

"Skripsi ini membahas tentang perluasan keanggotaan suatu organisasi internasional, secara khusus mengenai proses perluasan keanggotaan Turki di dalam Uni Eropa. Uni Eropa, seperti kebanyakan organisasi internasional lainnya, memberikan persyaratan perluasan keanggotaan bagi negara-negara yang ingin bergabung menjadi negara anggota. Untuk dapat diterima menjadi negara anggota di Uni Eropa, sebuah negara harus memenuhi persyaratan yang terkandung di dalam Traktat Maastricht 1992 dan Kriteria Copenhagen 1993. Turki telah mengajukan aplikasi perluasan keanggotaan kepada Uni Eropa sejak tahun 1987 dan telah melakukan berbagai upaya untuk memenuhi persyaratan yang ada, namun hingga saat ini Turki masih harus puas dengan statusnya sebagai kandidat anggota di Uni Eropa. Berbagai hal dianggap menjadi kendala dalam proses bergabungnya Turki di Uni Eropa, misalnya adalah keadaan ekonomi Turki, hal tentang perlindungan hak minoritas, dan konflik Turki dengan Siprus yang telah menjadi anggota Uni Eropa pada tahun 2004. Namun demikian, Turki hingga saat ini masih terus melakukan upaya-upaya dalam harapan Uni Eropa dapat segera menerima Turki sebagai negara anggota di Uni Eropa.

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Every international organization has its own provision or requirement on its enlargement. The European Union, as any other international organizations, also requires the state that desires to join into it as a member state. In order to be accepted as a member state in the European Union, a state must fulfill all the requirements stipulated in Maastricht Treaty 1992 and Copenhagen Criteria 1993. Turkey had submitted its enlargement application in 1987 and it has done all its efforts since then to satisfy the requirements, but until now Turkey has to be content with its status as a candidate state. Several things are considered to be the constraints on the process of Turkey's application; the Turkey's economic condition, the protection of minority rights, and the conflict between Turkey and Cyprus, which had been an European Union's member state since 2004. However, Turkey still continues to make efforts to fulfill all the requirements in the hope of its acceptance in the European Union."

"Tesis ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kedudukan Indonesia dalam negosiasi perdagangan bebas Uni Eropa (UE) dengan negara-negara Asia Tenggara, yang dilihat dari perspektif UE. Pertanyaan pendahuluan dari penelitian ini adalah mengapa UE menegosiasikan perjanjian perdagangan bebas dengan negara-negara Asia Tenggara. Sementara itu, pertanyaan penelitian utama dari tesis ini adalah mengapa Indonesia hanya menjadi negara keenam di Asia Tenggara yang melakukan negosiasi perdagangan bebas dengan UE dan bukan yang pertama. Metode penelitian tesis ini adalah metode analisis kualitatif dengan menggunakan studi kasus, dalam hal ini negosiasi perdagangan bebas UE-Asia Tenggara. Metode pengumpulan data utama menggunakan teknik studi pustaka yang dikumpulkan dari buku, artikel, laman berita, dan laman resmi dari organisasi-organisasi terkait. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan penelitian, peneliti menggunakan teori Cross-Regionalism yang dikemukakan oleh Mireya Solís dan Saori N. Katada (2007). Faktor regional yang membuat UE melakukan perjanjian perdagangan bebas (FTA) lintas kawasan antara lain kondisi ekonomi internal yang terpuruk; kemunculan kekuatan-kekuatan ekonomi baru, terutama Tiongkok, yang menyaingi UE; kemajuan ekonomi dari keenam negara Asia Tenggara yang jauh lebih baik dari UE; kondisi perdagangan barang yang tidak menguntungkan dengan ASEAN; dan kebijakan politik UE. FTA lintas kawasan merupakan upaya UE untuk memperbaiki kondisi perekonomiannya, mencegah terjadinya pengalihan perdagangan (trade diversion), dan menjadi kekuatan normatif. Faktor regional yang menyebabkan Indonesia tidak menjadi prioritas bagi UE adalah kondisi ekonomi Indonesia yang tidak lebih baik dari Singapura, Malaysia, Vietnam, Thailand, dan Filipina; hubungan ekonomi UE-Indonesia yang menurun; isu-isu keberlanjutan (sustainability); dan minimnya hubungan UE-Indonesia. Kemudian, motif yang memengaruhi UE untuk melakukan FTA lintas kawasan adalah motif pengaruh (leverage), yaitu untuk mempromosikan nilai-nilai UE, sehingga terbentuk like-minded countries. Motif ekonomi dan motif pengaruh (leverage) merupakan alasan yang menyebabkan Indonesia tidak menjadi mitra negosiasi FTA bilateral pertama dan hanya yang keenam. Tampaknya kedua alasan ini memengaruhi UE dalam penentuan mitra FTA, sedangkan motif keamanan dan diplomasi tidak memengaruhinya. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa motif keamanan dan diplomasi (politik) diabaikan oleh UE. Dalam memilih mitra FTA, nilai-nilai yang diusung UE kalah ketika berhadapan dengan kepentingan ekonominya.

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This thesis aims to analyze Indonesia's position in the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations between the European Union (EU) and Southeast Asian countries as seen from the EU's perspective. The preliminary question of this thesis is why the EU negotiated FTAs with Southeast Asian countries. Meanwhile, the primary research question is why Indonesia became the sixth country in Southeast Asia to negotiate a bilateral FTA with the EU instead of the first. The research method of this thesis is a qualitative analysis using a case study, which is the EU-Southeast Asia FTA negotiations. The majority of the data collected in this thesis is collected from books, articles, news pages, and official pages from related organizations. To answer the research question, the researcher uses Cross-Regionalism theory put forward by Mireya Solís and Saori N. Katada (2007). Regional factors that have led the EU to conduct cross-regional FTA ​​are internal economic slump; the emergence of new economic powers, notably China, that rival the EU; economic improvement of the six Southeast Asian countries which is much better than the EU; unfavorable trade in goods with ASEAN; and EU political policy. Cross-regional FTA is EU's effort to improve its economic condition, prevent trade diversion, and become a normative power. Regional factors that have caused Indonesia not to become a priority for the EU are Indonesia's economic condition that was no better than Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, Thailand, and the Philippines; the decline of EU-Indonesia economic relation; sustainability issues; and the lack of EU-Indonesia relation. Furthermore, the motive that influences the EU to conduct cross-regional FTA ​​is leverage motive, namely to promote EU values, so that like-minded countries are formed. Economic motive and leverage motive were the reasons why Indonesia was not the first and only the sixth bilateral FTA negotiating partner. It seems that both of these reasons influenced the EU in determining its FTA partners, while security and diplomacy motives did not influence the EU. This shows that security and diplomacy (politics) motives were disregarded by the EU. In choosing FTA partners, the values promoted by the EU lose out when it comes to its economic interests."

"Tesis ini berfokus pada fenomena keluarnya Ingris dari Uni Eropa Brexit . Dalam fenomena ini terjadi persaingan diskursif antara Remain vs Leave. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori pemosisian dengan asumsi dasar bahwa diskursus adalah variabel utama yang disosialisasikan oleh agen sehingga menjadi sebuah realita sosial. Kemenangan diskursif ditentukan dalam tiga variabel kelayakan: Kelayakan Referensi, Kelayakan Sistemik dan Kelayakan Sosial. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode process tracing dan telaah wacana untuk melihat proses deepening Inggris ke Uni Eropa.. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa persaingan diskursif ini dimenangkan oleh agen yaitu kelompok leave yang menginterpretasikan bahwa identias nasional Inggris tidak kompatibel dengan identitas Uni Eropa dan memunculkan kegagalan proses deepening pada integrasi Inggris dengan Uni Eropa. Meskipun secara kuantitatif diskursus kelompok remain lebih unggul sampai periode sebelum referendum variabel kelayakan referensi , namun pada akhirnya kelompok leave secara kelayakan sistemik lebih dapat mendistribusikan diskursusnya untuk menjangkau ke masyarakat. Dalam variabel kelayakan sosial, kelompok leave juga lebih unggul karena diskursusnya lebih dapat diterima di masyarakat. Penelitian ini menyumbang pada studi tentang regionalisme yang memberikan pemahaman bahwa dinamika yang terjadi dalam institusi regional tidak hanya bisa meluas expand , tetapi juga bisa menyusut shrink . Isu Brexit menjadi penting karena belum pernah ada negara mengambil sikap untuk keluar dari institusi maju seperti Uni Eropa.

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This thesis focuses on the phenomenon of Britain leaving the European Union Brexit. The phenomenon refers to the discursive competition between the two parties Remain vs. Leave. This research uses positioning theory with the basic assumption that discourse is the main variable which is socialized by agent and it transcends into a social reality. Discursive victory itself is determined in three eligibility indicators Referential Adequacy, Systematic Adequacy and Social Adequacy. This research applies process tracing and discourse analysis method to examine the deepening process of UK to the European Union. The result of this study indicates that the discursive competition won by the agent of the Leave group which interpreted UK national identity was not compatible with the EU identity and led to the failure of a deepening process on British integration to the EU. Quantitatively, based on the Referential Adequacy indicator, the discourse of the Remain group is higher than the Leave group especially in the final weekend before the referendum. However, based on Systematic Adequacy indicator, the Leave group is more successful in distributing its discourse to reach out to the people. Last, the Leave group is also winning because based on Social Adequacy indicator the discourse is more acceptable in society. This research contributes to the study of regionalism which provides an understanding that the dynamics within regional institutions not only can expand, but also shrink. The issue of brexit is important, because no country has ever taken the stance to get out of an advanced institution like the European Union. "

"Uni Eropa adalah organisasi internasional di wilayah Eropa yang bertujuan untuk mencapai integrasi Eropa. Untuk mencapai tujuan tersebut, Uni Eropa membentuk sistem hukum regionalnya sendiri yang saat ini sudah menjadi komponen yang tidak terpisahkan dalam kehidupan politik dan bermasyarakat di Uni Eropa. Walaupun demikian, keberlakuan hukum internasional dalam sistem hukum regional Uni Eropa jarang sekali dibahas. Beberapa tahun belakang, hubungan antara hukum internasional dan hukum regional Uni Eropa baru banyak dibicarakan dalam kaitannya dengan otonomi hukum regional Uni Eropa. Dalam beberapa kondisi, Uni Eropa tidak terikat dengan perjanjian internasional atau norma-norma hukum internasional. Putusan-putusan Mahkamah Eropa baru-baru ini menekankan otonomi hukum regional Uni Eropa di atas hukum internasional. Putusan-putusan tersebut mengindikasikan bahwa hubungan antara hukum internasional dengan hukum regional Uni Eropa tidak lagi dilihat menurut teori monisme dan dualisme saja, tetapi dengan teori lain yang lebih kompleks.

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European Union is an international organization whose obejective is to develop a European integration. In order to achieve the idea of European integration, European Union created its own legal order which has already becomean established component of European Union's political life and society. Yet, the effect of international law within the Union's domestic order receives far less attention. Over the past decade, the relationship between European and international law has largely been commented through the prism of the autonomy.

In some instances, however, the European Union is not bound by a treaty or international norm. Recent decisions issued by the Court of Justice of the European Union having emphasized the integrity of the European Union legal system.It indicates the relationship between the EU and international law can no longer be understood on the basis of monism or dualism theory, but a much more complex theory."

"The European Union (EU) has signed a co-operation agreement with Indonesia in form of an economic relation since the beginning of the 1980s. comparing to other co-operations is this agreement in the lowest level of economic relations without any preferential treatment in trade except for the common Generalized system of Preferences (GSP). Under the agreement like this, Indonesia doesn't receive and enjoy special treatments and facilities like the other countries grouping such as African, Caribia and Pacific (ACP) countries."

"Tesis ini dilatarbelakangi oleh penyatuan ekonomi Eropa (Integrasi Uni Eropa) yang ditandai dengan penyatuan mata uang negara-negara yang tergabung dalam Uni Eropa yaitu Euro. Sejak tanggal 1 Januari 2002. Peredar.m Euro sebagai alat tukar baru menggantikan uang nasional 12 negara anggota UE (Austria, Belgia, Belanda, Finlandia, frlandia, ltalia, Jerman, Luksemburg, Perancis, Portugal, Spanyol, Yunani) berlangsung relatif mulus. Apakab penyatuan mata uang tersebut akan berpengarub terbadap ekspor Indonesia, maka kam.i menganaJisa 6 (euarn) negara EU (Perancis, Jerman, Italia, Belgia Luxemburge, Belanda).Tujuan tesis ini adatah untuk mengkaji ekspor Indonesia terhadap 6 {eanam) Negara Uni Eropa, sejak mulai 1995 hingga tahun 2008 dan mengetahui sejauh mana pengaruh GDP 6 {enam) negara Uni Eropa terhadap perkembangan Ekspor Indonesia. Analisis dalam tesis ini menggunakan data sekunder runtun waktu (time series). yang diambil dari data yang telah dipublikasikan oleh BPS dan European Statistic (Eurostat) dan data primer. Hasil yang diperoleh berdasarkan data tersebut dianalisa dengan menggunakan analisis regresllinier berganda dengan metode Fix Effect. Dengan metode ini maka dapat dijelaskan variable-variabe1 yang mempengaruhi ekspor lndonesia, cara meningkatkan ekspor pemerintah, dan seberapa besar.

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This thesis is motivated by the economic unification of Europe is marked by the currency union countries that joined the European Union. Since January 1, 2002. Circulation of the Euro as a new tender to replace the national currency of 12 EU members (Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands, Finland, Ireland, Italy, Germany, Luxembourg, France, Portugal, Spain, Greece) took place relatively smoothly. Is the currency union will affect the exports of Indonesia, then we analyze the 6 (six) EU countries (France, Germany, Italy, Belgium Luxemburg, Netherlands).The purpose of this thesis is to examine exports of Indonesia to 6 (six) European Union member, since the beginning of 1995 until the year 2008 and determine how far the influence of GDP, Exchange Rate (ER) and Single currency implementation of the European Union member on the development of Indonesian exports. The analysis in this thesis uses secondary data time series, derived from data published by BPS and the European Statistics (Eurostat) and the primary data. The results obtained on the basis of these data were analyzed using multiple linear regression analysis by the method of Fix Effect."