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"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui apakah religious fundamentalism dapat memprediksi penurunan performa memori rekognisi mengenai kata moral-emosional bervalensi negatif pada Muslim di Indonesia dan sejauh mana right-wing authoritarian memoderasi hubungan negatif antara religious fundamentalism dan memori rekognisi jenis kata moral-emosional negatif. Total 121 warga negara Indonesia Muslim yang berusia 18-25 tahun (M = 20 tahun 9 bulan) berpartisipasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan Islamic Fundamentalism (Putra & Sukabdi, 2014), untuk mengukur religious fundamentalism, dan right-wing authoritarianism scale untuk mengukur right-wing authoritarianism (Passini, 2017), sementara pengukuran akurasi memori menggunakan corrected recognition dari signal detection theory (Baddeley dkk., 2015). Analisis repeated measures menunjukkan bahwa jenis kata moral-emosional negatif memiliki akurasi yang lebih tinggi daripada jenis kata lainnya. Analisis moderasi dengan PROCESS menunjukkan bahwa efek negatif dari religious fundamentalism pada memori rekognisi jenis kata moral-emosional negatif dimoderasi oleh right-wing authoritarianism. Semua temuan ini mengindikasikan bahwa pandangan politik yang ekstrem dapat menurunkan performa memori mengenai kata moral-emosional sehingga perlu dipertimbangkan untuk memahami mekanisme psikologis dari politik identitas agama serta pengaruhnya pada diseminasi pesan moral-emosional lewat kampanye maupun pidato-pidato politik yang disebarkan melalui media sosial.

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The purpose of this study to investigate the role of religious fundamentalism in predicting the decline of memory recognition for negative moral-emotional words in Indonesian Muslims and to investigate the role right-wing authoritarians as a moderator on the negative relationship between religious fundamentalism and the memory recognition for negative moral-emotional words. We recruited 121 Indonesian Muslim citizens aged 18-25 years to participate in the study. This study employed Islamic Fundamentalism (Putra & Sukabdi, 2014), to measure the level of religious fundamentalists, Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale (Passini, 2017) to measure the level of right-wing authoritarianism, and corrected recognition as a measure for memory accuracy based on the signal detection theory (Baddeley et al., 2015) The repeated measures ANOVA analysis showed that participants remembered negative moral-emotional words with a higher level of accuracy than the accuracy levels of other types wordstype. The moderation analysis with PROCESS showed that the negative effect of religious fundamentalism on the memory recognition for negative moral-emotional words is significantly moderated by right-wing authoritarianism. These findings provide evidence on how extreme political views can impair memory for moral-emotional words, and thus, they should be considered to better understand the psychological mechanisms underlying religion-based politics and its effects on the dissemination of moral-emotional messages through campaigns and political speeches in social media."

"ABSTRAKStudi ini menguji pengaruh faktor orientasi religius, diskriminasi danRight-Wing Aurhor-irarianism dalam membentuk prasangka. Sebanyak 128responden berusia 21-35 tahun dari elnis Tionghoa yang, beragama Kristendan Katolik mengisi kuesioner untuk mengukur variabel-variabeipenelitian. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa diskriminasi dan right-wing authoritarianism dapat menjadi variabel moderator bagi orientasireligius dalam membentuk prasangka. Saran bagi pcnelitian selanjutnyaadalah mengembangkan penelitian mengenai orientasi religius danpengaruhnya terhadap prasangka."

"Penelitian ini merupakan studi kuantitatif yang bertujuan untuk mengetahui hubungan antara fundamentalisme agama dan intoleransi politik serta efek moderasi need for closure terhadap hubungan dua variabel tersebut. Fundamentalisme agama diprediksi memiliki hubungan positif dengan intoleransi politik di mana need for closure dapat memperkuat hubungan keduanya. Intoleransi politik diukur dengan Political Tolerance Scale yang dikembangkan oleh Mujani, Liddle, & Pepinsky (2018) sementara itu fundamentalisme agama diukur dengan Intratextual Fundamentalisme Scale yang diadaptasi oleh Muluk, Sumaktoyo dan Ruth (2013). Need for closure diukur dengan  Need for Closure Scale yang dikembangkan oleh Roets dan Van Hiel (2011) untuk mengukur kebutuhan keteraturan, prediktabilitas, ketegasan, menghindar dari ambiguitas, dan close mindedness. Responden penelitian ini adalah 211 orang masyarakat umum di Indonesia yang beragama Islam dan dijaring secara online. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa fundamentalisme agama berkorelasi positif dan signifikan dengan intoleransi politik. Need for closure memiliki kontribusi sebagai moderator terhadap hubungan fundamentalisme agama dan intoleransi politik, khususnya ketika need for closure tinggi. Namun, tidak ditemukan peranan individual need for closure yang signifikan dalam menjelaskan intoleransi politik. Temuan ini menunjukkan pentingnya peran faktor kognitif dalam memahami agama dan sikap politik.

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This research is a quantitative study which aims to determine the relationship between religious fundamentalism and political intolerance with the moderating effect of need for closure on the relationship of these two variables. Religious fundamentalism is predicted to have a positive relationship with political intolerance where need for closure can strengthen the relationship between them. Political intolerance is measured by the Political Tolerance Scale developed by Mujani, Liddle, and Pepinsky (2018) while religious fundamentalism is measured by the Intratextual Scale Fundamentalism adapted by Muluk, Sumaktoyo and Ruth (2013). Need for closure is measured by Need for Closure Scale developed by Roets and Van Hiel (2011) to measure the needs of regularity, predictability, firmness, avoidance of ambiguity, and close mindedness. Respondents of this study were 211 people in the general public in Indonesia who are Muslim and netted online. The results showed that religious fundamentalism was positively and significantly correlated with political intolerance. Need for closure has a contribution as a moderator on the relationship between religious fundamentalism and political intolerance, especially when the need for closure is high. However, in terms of individual effect, there was no significant role for need for closure in explaining political intolerance. This finding shows the importance of the role of cognitive factors in understanding religion and political attitudes."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat pengaruh orientasi dominansi sosial SDO dan otoritarianisme sayap kanan RWA terhadap kesadaran kelas atau derajat sejauh mana individu memahami posisi mereka dan menempatkan diri mereka dalam hubungan antarkelas. Pengukuran kesadaran kelas pada penelitian ini menggunakan alat ukur Multidimensional Class Consciousness Scale MCCS. Orientasi dominansi sosial ialah derajat sejauh mana individu menginginkan kelompok mereka untuk mendominasi dan menjadi lebih unggul dari kelompok lainnya, dan diukur dengan alat ukur Social Dominance Orientation Scale SDO6. Otoritarianisme sayap kanan ialah derajat sejauh mana seseorang percaya untuk tunduk terhadap otoritas yang ada dan norma-norma sosial yang didukung oleh otoritas ini, dan diukur dengan Short Version Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale SV-RWA. Partisipan penelitian ini ialah 129 mahasiswa S1 Universitas Indonesia usia 17 hingga 27 tahun. Hasil dari penelitian menunjukkan bahwa orientasi dominansi sosial dan otoritarianisme sayap kanan memprediksi kesadaran kelas yang rendah pada mahasiswa S1.

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The present study aims to investigate the effects of social dominance orientation SDO and right wing authoritarianism RWA on class consciousness or the extent to which individuals acknowledge and situate themselves within class relations. Class consciousness is measured with the Multidimensional Class Consciousness Scale MCCS. Social dominance orientation is the extent to which one desires that one 39 s ingroup dominate and be superior to outgroups and it is measured with the Social Dominance Orientation Scale SDO6. Right wing authoritarianism is the extent to which an individual believe strongly in submission to established authorities and the social norms these authorities endorse and it is measured with the Short Version Right Wing Authoritarianism Scale SV RWA. The study participants are 129 undergraduate students aged 17 to 27 enrolled in Universitas Indonesia. The result of this research shows that social dominance orientation and right wing authoritarianism predict lower class consciousness in college students."

"ABSTRAKBelakangan ini fenomena intoleransi politik yang melibatkan identitas agama kembali menjadi marak di Indonesia. Beberapa penelitian sebelumnya mengonfirmasi kecenderungan hubungan fundamentalisme agama dan intoleransi, juga hubungannya dengan need for closure. Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah membuktikan hubungan prediksi fundamentalisme terhadap intoleransi dengan menambahkan need for closure, spesifiknya fudamentalisme intratekstual, sebagai moderator. Penelitian dilakukan pada 723 mahasiswa Indonesia yang beragama Islam. Dengan menggunakan analisis linear regression, peneliti mendapatkan hasil signifikan fundamentalisme agama memprediksi intoleransi politik. Sedangkan analisis moderator menunjukkan fundamentalisme intratekstual tidak signifikan berpengaruh pada prediksi sebelumnya. Meski demikian, perlu penelitian lanjutan yang membahas hubungan ini lebih lanjut.

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ABSTRACTRecently, political intolerance phenomenon involving religious identity became popular in Indonesia. Many previous research confirmed that there is a relationship between religious fundamentalism and intolerance, also its relation with need for closure. The purpose of this research is to prove religious fundamentalism as predictor to intolerance with adding need for closure, specifically intratextual fundamentalism, as moderator. This research was conducted in 723 students in Indonesia that have Islam affiliation. With linear regression analysis, we saw significance of religious fundamentalism predicting intolerance. Whereas, moderator analysis showed no significant impact of intratextual fundamentalism toward previous prediction. Nevertheless, further research is needed to examine more about this relation."

"Contents - Acknowledgments - Glosary - About the contributors - Indonesia - 1. Introduction by Bernhard Platzdasch - 2. NU and Muhammadiyah: majority views on religious minorities in Indonesia by Robin Bush and Budhy Munawar-Rachman - 3. Islam, religious minorities, and the challenge of the blasphemy laws: a close look at the current liberal muslim discourse by Supriyanto Abdi - 4. Reading Ahmadiyah and discourses on freedom of religion in Indonesia by Andy Fuller - 5. Sanctions against popstars ... and politicians? Indonesia's 2008 pornography law and its aftermath by Helen Pausacker - 6. The inter-religious harmony forum, the ombudsman, and the state: resolving Church permit disputes in Indonesia? by Melissa Crouch - 7. In each other's shadow: building pentecostal Churches in muslim Java by En- Chieh Chao - 8. Christian-Muslim relations in post-conflict Ambon, Moluccas: adat, religion, and beyond by Birgit Bräuchler - 9. Chinese muslim cultural identities: possibilties and limitations of cosmopolitan Islam in Indonesia by Hew Wai Weng - 10. Majority and minority: preserving animist and mystical practices in far East Java by Nicholas Herriman - 11. An Abangan-like Group in a Santri Island: the religious identity of the Blater by Yanwar Pribadi - Malaysia - 12. Introduction by Johan Saravanamuttu - 13. Islamic praxis and theory: negotiating Orthodoxy in contemporary Malaysia by Gerhard Hoffstaedter - 14. Religious pluralism and cosmopolitanism at the city crossroads by Yeoh Seng Guan - 15. The Christian response to state-led Islamization in Malaysia by Chong Eu Choong - 16. The politics of Buddhist organizations in Malaysia by Tan Lee Ooi - 17. Hindraf as a response to Islamization in Malaysia by Arunajeet Kaur - 18. "Deviant" muslims: the plight of Shias in contemporary Malaysia by Norshahril Saat - 19. Being Christians in muslim-majority Malaysia: the Kelabit and Lun Bawang experiences in Sarawak by Poline Bala - 20. Everyday religiosity and the ambiguation of development in East Malaysia: reflections on a dam-construction and resettlement project by Liana Chua - Index "

"Skripsi ini akan membahas competitive authoritarian regime di Turki pada kasus referendum 2017. Refendum 2017 merupakan inisiasi Erdo-an yang sejak 2011 mengatakan bahwa Turki akan semakin kuat dan stabil apabila menganut sistem presidensial. Erdo-an didukung oleh AKP dan MHP di Parlemen, sedangkan HDP dan CHP menolak karena poin-poin amandemen dapat menghasilkan otoritarianisme di Turki. Referendum diselenggarakan pada kondisi darurat negara setelah kudeta gagal pada 2016 oleh kelompok G len. Pada perencanaan dan prosesnya, ditemukan beberapa dinamika politik yang terjadi di Turki yaitu tindak represi terhadap kelompok oposisi, ketimpangan sumber daya dan akses kampanye, serta adanya indikasi kecurangan yang terjadi dalam proses referendum. Dengan demikian, temuan-temuan tersebut memperlihatkan bahwa rezim Erdo-an mengimplementasikan nilai-nilai competitive authoritarian pada kasus referendum 2017.

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This thesis discusses the case of Erdo an regime on the case of Turkish referendum 2017. The referendum was initiated by Erdo an, whom argued that presidential system will make the country stronger and more stable. The referendum was supported by AKP and MHP in the Parliament, but then opposed by HDP and CHP due to their concern of one man rule in Turkey. The referendum was held in the state emergency situation since the failed coup attempt on 2016 by the G lenists. In the preparation and process, there were repression to the oppositions, uneven access to the resources and campaign, and some indication of an unfair election. Based on the findings, this thesis concluded that Erdo an rsquo s regime had implemented and embodied the competitive authoritarian model, especially in the case of the 2017's referendum. "