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Hasil Pencarian

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Jakarta: Departemen Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata, 2005
306.1 IND m
Buku Teks  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Andre Intan Amyrantie
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 1986
S-Pdf
UI - Skripsi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Sri Sumarsih
Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1990
392.598 SRI u
Buku Teks  Universitas Indonesia Library
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[Jakarta]: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1989
572.792 UPA
Buku Teks  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Susilo Pradoko
"ABSTRAK
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan fungsi serta makna-makna simbolik gamelan sekaten bagi masyarakat pendukungnya dalam upacara Garebeg Mulud di Yogyakarta.
Metode yang dipergunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan holistik. Pengumpulan data diperoleh melalui: studi literatur, wawancara dan observasi partisipasi serta perolehan data melalui camera video dan foto. Teknik analisa data dengan interpretasi makna, fungsional, dan causal serta analisis isi dari permainan musik gamelan serta teknik garap gendhingnya hingga menemukan inferensi-inferensi. Hasil inferensi-inferensi ini kemudian divalidasikan dengan para tokoh masyarakat pendukungnya serta key informan.
Hasil penelitian menunjukkan sebagai berikut:
Ternyata gamelan berfungsi bagi raja, ulama serta bagi masyarakat. Fungsi gamelan bagi Raja adalah: 1. Sebagai pengakuan atas kebesaran dan kekuasaan raja. 2. Sarana memperkokoh kerajaan serta kolektifitas sosial. Sedangkan fungsi gamelan sekaten bagi Ulama adalah: Sebagai sarana untuk penyebaran agama Islam, syiar Islam. Fungsi bagi masyarakat adalah: 1. Mendapatkan kesejahteraan ekonomi, kesehatan badan dan jiwanya. 2. Sarana untuk hiburan dan rekreasi.
Gamelan sekaten merupakan sub sistem simbol yang mewujudkan gambaran kolektif masyarakat pendukungnya yang memiliki makna proyektif tentang ajaran-ajaran untuk berperilaku dalam masyarakatnya. Gamelan sekaten memiliki makna ajaran-ajaran tentang: Ketuhanan, asal dan tujuan hidup manusia (sang/can paraning dumadi), harmonis , rukun, olah kanurasan, sabar, tepo seliro, go tong royong serta tatanan sopan santun yang sesuai dengan cara pandangan masyarakat pendukungnya untuk berperilaku dalam menanggapi kehidupannya."
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 1995
T-Pdf
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Siregar, Jenny Sista
"Permasalahan dalam tulisan ini, adalah: "Mengapa Upacara adat Perkawinan dan tata rias pengantin Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat sebagai Upacara Ritual Kenegaraan menjadi Upacara Populer?". Tujuan tulisan ini adalah menjelaskan latar belakang upacara adat perkawinan dan tata rias pengantin Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat sebagai upacara ritual kenegaraan dan menjelaskan konteks meluasnya upacara adat perkawinan dan tata rias pengantin Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat dari upacara ritual kenegaraan menjadi upacara popular.
Perubahan upacara adat perkawinan Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat antara masa Hamengkubuwana VII, VIII dan IX, terlihat dari urutan acara, busana dan tata rias pengantin, peralatan dan perlengkapan pengantin, sesaji dan gamelan di Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat. Kemudian konsep yang melandasi nilai budaya pelaku upacara adat pekawinan Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat sebagai upacara ritual kenegaraan masa Hamengkubuwana VII dan VIII. Saat upacara adat perkawinan Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat menjadi milik masyarakat masa Hamengkubuwana IX terlihat pergeseran nilai-nilai, yang terlihat pada urutan acara, busana dan tata rias pengantin, peralatan dan perlengkapan pengantin, gamelan dan sesaji telah berbeda dan tidak dipergunakan seperti dahulu lagi.
Upacara ritual kenegaraan yaitu upacara adat yang dilaksanakan berdasarkan norma-norma budaya khas Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat, hanya boleh dilaksanakan oleh Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat dengan aturan-aturan tertentu dan menjadi salah satu upacara kenegaraan.
Upacara populer yaitu upacara yang disesuaikan dengan rasa, keperluan dan tingkat pendidikan masyarakat umum sehingga menjadi upacara untuk siapa saja, tidak terbatas untuk kalangan atas tertentu.
Dalam menganalisa permasalahan dan tujuan penelitian digunakan teori barokisasi dari Darsiti Soeratman dan teori pilihan rasional dari Michael Hester. Dalam penelitian ini digunakan pendekatan strukturis dari Christopher Lloyd, dan metode pengumpulan data ialah metode sejarah dari Marc Bloch.

Traditional Ceremony of Wedding of Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat: The Development from State Ritual Ceremony to Popular Ceremony (1877 - 1988)The problem in this writing is: Why traditional ceremony of wedding and bridal art of cosmetics of Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat as the state ritual ceremony becomes popular ceremony?. The purpose of this writing is to explain the background of traditional ceremony of wedding and bridal art of cosmetics of Kraton Ngatogyakarta Hadiningrat as the state ritual ceremony and to explain the context of expanding the traditional ceremony of wedding and the bridal art of cosmetics of Kraton Ngayogyakarha Hadiningrat from the state ritual ceremony to popular ceremony.
The changes of the traditional ceremony of wedding of Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat between the period of Hamengkubuwana VII, VIII, and IX can be seen from the sequence of the agenda, clothes and bridal art of cosmetics, equipment and bridal outfit, ritual offerings and gamelan orchestra at Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat. Then the concept that is based on the cultural value of the doers of the traditional ceremony of wedding of Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat as the state ritual ceremony at the period of Hamengkubuwana VII and VIII. When the traditional ceremony of wedding of Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat becomes the property of the society at the period of Hamengkubuwana IX, occur the changes of the value that can be seen at the sequence of the agenda, clothes and bridal art of cosmetics, equipment and bridal outfit, gamelan orchestra and ritual offerings which are different and not used anymore as they were.
State ritual ceremony is a traditional ceremony that is carried out the basis of typical cultural norms of Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat. Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat may only do it with the certain rules and it becomes one of the state ceremonies.
Popular ceremony is a ceremony that is synchronized with the taste, need and education level of the society so that it becomes the ceremony for public and is not limited for upper class only.
In analyzing the problems and research objectives the writer used Barokisasi theory from Darsiti Soeratman and theory of rational choice from Michael Hechter. In this research she used structural approach from Christopher Lloyd and data collecting methods from Marc Bloch."
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Pengetahuan dan Budaya Universitas Indonesia, 2002
T11420
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Karta
"ABSTRACT
This dissertation discusses tau-tau as one of the funeral equipment (mmbu solo?) for
the Torajan noble society (lana' bulaan). Tau-tau is a ?statue? of a deceased person.
There are 3 kinds of tau-tau: tau-tau nangka', tau-tau lampa?, and batelepong. After a
funeral, only tau-tau nangka is placed on top of a cliff, alongside other previous tau-tau
nangira, while tau-tau lampa and batelepong are thrown to the shrubs.
At first, tau-tau was worshiped and mourned by the Aluk to Dolo Torajan family and
community, but as the Torajan people left the Aluk to Dolo belief and most change
their belief to Christiani or some change to Islam, tau-tau is no longer worshiped and
mourned, but used to maintain and reinforce nobility. Therefore, tau-tau Aluk to Dolo
rituals are modified according to the belief of a family who practice the ritual.
The phenomenon mentioned above is a general picture and a small part of tau-tau's
existence and rituals in the past to present. Therefore, it is interesting to study it further;
although Aluk to Dolo belief is gradually left behind by the Torajan people, almost all
the principles are still practiced in various rituals, to maintain custom and tradition in
Torajan.
This research's question is how the Torajan community conducts funeral where tau-tau
is still made as a symbol of Torajan's nobility (although they do not practice Aluk to
Dolo), and the use of it in social life and rambu solo'ritual which are conducted by
Torajan Aluk to Dolo community and modern Torajan community.
This research uses Radcliffe-Brown's structure and function concept (1952), Durkheim
(1954), Turner (1957, 1974), who suggest that religion reflects the structure of a social
system, and functions to maintain the system throughout time. Structure and function concept sees the community as a system of social structures. Structure in this case is
real pattems of relations or interactions among various social components - pattems
which relatively last longer because those interactions occur in an approximately
organized way (Saifuddin, 2009. The function of religion is an effort to strengthen and
reaffirm social solidarity, and as something that has a signilicant symbol to a group or
community. The existence of tau-tau?s function and meaning which continuously
changed and modified (no longer suitable with Aluk to Dolo), is an indication that the
tau-tau they made no longer has a sacred meaning.
Findings in this research are: 1) Tau-tau is a personification, regarded as a reincarnation
and the residence of the deccased?s spirit after a series of Aluk to Dolo ceremonies.
Tau-tau is accepted as a depiction of the deceased, not only shaped by association of
costume and ritual which affirms tau-tau as a ?reincarnation? of the deceased, but also
caused by the positive response from Torajan conununity which submits to and accepts
the lau-tau and considers it resembles, even similar to the deceased. This made tau-tau
is highly respected and worshiped by the family and Torajan community in general, as
if the person is still alive. 2) Tau-tau represents nobility. This is because the making of
tau-tau is based on social stratification in Aluk to Dolo, which is still held firmly by
Toraja community up until now. Tau-tau as a representation of nobility also shows in
how attributes, costume, and how the costume is worn by tau-tau. For example, the
headband (passapu) on men, chignon (simbolon) on women, clothes (bayu), knee-
length trousers (seppa tallu buku), sarong (dodo), puch to store betel and nut (sepu).
In daily life, only noble society is allowed to wear the costume, while common people
are not allowed to.
Conclusion: The outcome of this research shows that the production of tau-tau as one
of the funeral equipments in Toraja?s noble families up to this day, has a close relation
to an elfort of reaffirmation and reconfirmation in group solidarity, and has a significant
symbol in the families' social status in many ways, particularly in ceremonies where it is
very respected by the Toraja community. The existence of tau-tau in a Toraja's noble
family funeral was a part of a religious ritual, Aluk to Dolo. Therefore, it is not easy for
a noble to remove a habit of making a tau-tau or a statue portraying a deceased person,
even though they have left Aluk to Dolo belief.
Therefore, there are different kinds of tau-tau that consist of: 1) Original tau-tau (tau-
tau Aluk to Dolo). It has a simple shape, not proportional, and entirely different from
the deceased, placed at the funeral site, a spirit is believed to reside in the tau-tau, and
is sacred. 2) Realistic tau-tau (Christian tau-tau). ldeal in shape and proportion, and
resembles the deceased, placed at the funeral site, and profane. 3) Portrait statue. The
shape, proportion and its style consider more on the artistic value to replicate the
deceased, and placed in houses as an artwork. 4) Souvenir tau-tau. Made with various
shapes, sizes, and materials, and sold around the funeral site and souvenir stores in
Rantepao and Makale."
2007
D819
UI - Disertasi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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