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"Penelitian tentang Brexit ini akan fokus pada pertahanan dan keamanan bagi Inggris dan Uni Eropa (UE). Peran Inggris Raya sangat besar di sektor pertahanan dan keamanan, selain Jerman dan Perancis. Namun, berdasarkan referendum 2016, Inggris Raya memilih keluar dari keanggotaannya di UE.  Metode penelitian akan menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan sumber data primer dan sekunder yang diperoleh langsung dari website resmi UE dan data sekunder berupa kajian pustaka, website, journal militer dan wawancara dengan perusahaan-perusahan pendukung Alat Utama Sistem Senjata (alutsita). Kualitatif adalah sebuah metode yang fokus pada deep observation. Oleh sebab itu, penggunaannya dalam penelitian ini diharapkan mempu menghasilkan sebuah kajian terhadap fenomena dengan lebih komprehensif. Penelitian ini dianalisis menggunakan Teori Regional Security Complex (TRSC), milik Barry Buzan & Ole Waver dan Teori Security Dilemma (John H. Herz). TRSC ini digunakan untuk menganalisa potensi ancaman keamanan dan pertahanan di kawasan UE. Sedangkan, Teori Security Dilemma digunakan untuk menganalisis antisipasi Inggris dalam sektor pertahanan dan keamanan. Diharapkan dapat ditemukan maksud Inggris keluar dari UE dan antisipasinya dalam sektor pertahanan dan keamanan. Penelitian ini telah berhasil merangkum tindakan dan antisipasi pemerintah UK dalam menghadapi Brexit dan membuat gambaran umum Langkah-langkah UE tanpa Inggris.

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This research on Brexit will focus on defense and security for the UK and the European Union (EU). Great Britain has a very large role in the defense and security sector, in addition to Germany and France. However, based on the 2016 referendum, the UE opted out of membership in the EU. The research will use qualitative methods by using data primary and secunder sources obtained directly from the official website of the EU and secondary data in the form of literature reviews, as well as websites, military journals, and interviews with several companies supporting the Main Tools Weapon System. Qualitative is a method with a foucus on in-depth observation. Therefoe, the use of this reseach can result in a more comprehensvise study of a phenomenon, especially the observation of phenomena. This research was analyzed using Regional Security Complex Theory (Barry Buzan & Ole Waver) and Security Dilemma Theory (John H. Herz). Regional Security theory is used to analyze potential threats to the security and defense of the European Union. Meanwhile, the Security Dilemma Theory is used to analyze the UK’s anticipation in the defense and security sector. It is hoped that the UK’s intention to leave the EU can be found and its anticipation in the defense and security sector. This research has succeeded in summarizing the actions and anticipations of the UK government in the face of Brexit and creating an overview of the EU's steps without UK."

"Europe's attempts to be able to be more independent on security and defense areas have been started since it tried to create EDC 1950's as the first security cooperation. Though EDC was never formally conceived, Europe has continued its efforts to develop cooperations in security and defense areas. Fouchet Plan, EPC, SEA and CFSP are several examples of its efforts attempted to be independent in these areas. CFSP is one of Europe's greatest innovations in strengtening these efforts. Specific articles in Treaty of Maastricht and Treaty of Amsterdam state that CFSP is the guidelines of mapping Europe's common security policy that will lead to common defense. What is stated by the articles is ambiguous as Europe up to now is still dependent on NATO/the US and will continously do so, in contrary Europe has EU/WEU which has been determined as an organization that will implement EU's defense policies.

This thesis tries to find out which security organization Europe will later use as its main security instrument and whether Europe actually aims at common defense or merely at common defense policy. This thesis concludes that EU will combine the usage of EU/WEU and NATO. NATO will remain to be Europe's military defense organization and EU/WEU will develop to be the organization that will ensure the security of Europe. This is a fact of the attainment of common defense policy in regard that the formation of European Army, as a form of common defense, is not viable. The establishment of a common defense requires radical adaptations and changes, for instance, EU has to construct the Europe's Ministry of Defense, European Minister of Defense and European Army. CFSP/ESDP will continue to develop and to determine resolutions on Europe's security cooperations. As long as the three EU core states (England, Germany and France) maintains diverse perpectives on common security and defense concepts, Europe will remain dependent on those two organizations (EU/WEU and NATO)."

"Multilingualism in EU is a state of affairs emerged as a range of different languages encounter one another. The history of European integration and the course of language policy in EU show that there is no policy on the language of EU. Issues related to language regulate themselves to practical tenets. This is what is identified as laissez-faire policy model. The putting into practice of this laissez-faire policy model in EU has significant implications to French language. They are closely correlated with the question of power. France, as a member-state having a vital role and strong leadership character in integration, perceives this circumstance as a form of threat against the strength and the popularity of its language.Situations of multilingualism and language policy belong to one theoretical framework of sociolinguistics study and come into surface alongside political thinking_ One of the sociolinguistics scholars is Pierre Bourdieu, who suggests diverse concepts; among them are champ, capital, habitus, ilhrsio, libido and symbolique violance. Bourdieu develops sociology theory and associates it with other studies, such as media, literature, and politics. The study on Ianguage policy in ELI in this thesis applies the approaches put forward by Bourdieu. EU has been an arena of political interest struggle (champ) to two key member states i.e. France and the UK. Both states engage in the champ and draw on different capital. Language policy is the primary factor determining the dissemination and reinforcement of French language. France has vigorously promoted its language by employing massive policies on language and culture. Nevertheless, the results of these efforts cannot go beyond the popularity of English in EU, which in this case is influenced by the factors of economy, culture, and politics.There is in fact another factor that determines the dissemination and reinforcement of English language, i.e_ the factor of the U.S. soft power. This thesis uses the concepts of power proposed by Joseph Nye Jr as well. Nye Jr defines soft power as an ability to gain what is desired by means better than force or money. English has ties to the economic system and global network dominated by the U.S. English itself is an integral part of globalization. The power of globalization becomes a habitus which at the end supports the dissemination and reinforcement of English language. The government of the UK does not need to carry out massive efforts similar to the ones done by the French government to elevate its language on top of language hierarchy. If hierarchy of language is regarded as something that is proper and natural, the acknowledgment of one single dominant language will easily take place. English will easily become the lingua franca of EU. EU's language policy which regulates to practical tenets will turn English into the de facto dominant language. This condition can eventually deteriorate EU's slogan of united in diversity_ The challenge for EU now lies on the ways of how to manage and regulate issues concerning language to strengthen the slogan without having to diminish the national identity of its member states."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis implikasi politik dan dampak ekonomi yang muncul akibat pengenaan sanksi oleh Uni Eropa kepada Rusia pada kerja sama energi nuklir Uni Eropa-Rusia (2013-2018). Pada tahun 2014 Krimea menyatakan mengintegrasikan diri ke Federasi Rusia, dan menyatakan memisahkan diri dari Ukraina. Rusia menerima Krimea, meskipun Rusia dan Ukraina telah menandatangani Budapest Memorandum tahun 1994 tentang jaminan atas pengakuan wilayah Ukraina. Tindakan politik tersebut mendapat respons dari aliansi negara-negara Barat yang terdiri dari Amerika Serikat, Kanada, Uni Eropa, Australia dan Jepang dengan cara mengenakan sanksi terhadap Rusia. Pemberian sanksi diplomatik dan sanksi ekonomi tersebut tampaknya tidak berlaku untuk sektor-sektor lainnya, diantaranya dalam bidang kerjasama energi nuklir. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan dukungan data primer dan sekunder. Dalam penelitian ini dipertanyakan mengapa sanksi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia secara politik berimplikasi pada kebijakan kerja sama di bidang energi nuklir pada tahun 2014, serta bagaimana dampak ekonomi yang ditimbulkan dalam bidang kerja sama energi nuklir di Rusia setelah tindakan pembatasan oleh EU pada tahun 2014. Analisis pembahasan tentang permasalahan tersebut akan dilakukan dengan menggunakan Organization Process Paradigm, International Sanction Theory, dan Regional Security Complex Theory. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa implikasi politik yang ada pada pengenaan tindakan pembatasan atau sanksi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia ialah karena adanya sifat ketergantungan yang besar terhadap bahan bakar nuklir Rusia oleh Uni Eropa, sedangkan dampak ekonomi yang muncul ialah menurunnya angka neraca perdagangan energi nuklir Rusia terhadap Uni Eropa akibat proyek diversifikasi nuklir Eropa (ESSANUF).

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The objective of this research is to analyzed the political implications and the economic impact that appears as a result of imposed sanctions by the European Union toward Russia on the nuclear energy cooperation between European Union and Russia (2013-2018). In 2014 Crimea stated themselves to integrate with the Russian Federation, and seceded from Ukraine. Russia accept Crimea, even though Russia and Ukraine had signed the Budapest Memorandum in 1994 regarding the assurance of the Ukraine territory recognition. The political action got the respond from the Western Alliance which consist of the United States of America, Canada, European Union, Australia and Japan by imposed sanctions toward Russia. Those diplomatic and economic sanctions are likely not applicable to the other sectors, for instance in the field of nuclear energy cooperation.

This research used a qualitative method which supported by primary and secondary data. This research questioned why did the European Union's economic sanctions toward Russia politically implicated with the nuclear energy cooperation policy in 2014, and how did the economic impact which inflicted in the field of nuclear energy cooperation in Russia after the restrictive measures taken by European Union in 2014.

The discussion part of this research will be conducted with the Organization Process Paradigm, International Sanction Theory, and the Regional Security Complex Theory. This research found that the political implications which exist in the European Unions's restrictive measures or sanctions is because of the large dependency nature of the European Union toward the Russian nuclear fuel, at the same time the economic impact which appear is the decline of the Russian nuclear energy trade balance toward European Union as a result of the European Supply of Safe Nuclear Fuel project (ESSANUF). "

"Seiring meningkatnya kesadaran umum mengenai dampak aktivitas ekonomi manusia terhadap lingkungan, diskursus ekonomi sirkular yang digadang-gadang dapat menjadi pengganti sistem ekonomi konvensional yang destruktif terhadap lingkungan pun semakin berkembang. Dalam satu dekade terakhir, ekonomi sirkular mendapat cukup banyak momentum dan perhatian dari berbagai aktor internasional, baik praktisi maupun akademisi. Uni Eropa adalah contoh aktor yang memimpin advokasi norma ekonomi sirkular secara prominen, norma ekonomi sirkular dipromosikan dengan cara mendorong negara-negara anggotanya untuk melokalisasi Circular Economy Action Plan yang dirilis pada tahun 2015, serta mencangkok prinsip-prinsip ekonomi sirkular ke dalam rencana pembangunan nasionalnya. Berbekal arahan Uni Eropa, Inggris pun menginternalisasi prinsip-prinsip ekonomi sirkular yang ada di dalam Circular Economy Action Plan dan turut mendorong aktor-aktor lokal di negaranya untuk mengimplementasikan ekonomi sirkular dalam berbagai kegiatan ekonomi. Hal ini terus berlanjut bahkan ketika Inggris sudah hengkang dari Uni Eropa. Di awal tahun 2020, Inggris bahkan mengeluarkan pernyataan resmi yang meneguhkan komitmennya untuk tetap mengimplementasikan norma ekonomi sirkular kendatipun sudah tidak memiliki kewajiban sebagai anggota Uni Eropa untuk mematuhi Circular Economy Action Plan. Berangkat dari kejanggalan tersebut, penulis lantas merumuskan pertanyaan penelitian yang melandasi skripsi ini, yaitu, “Mengapa Inggris melokalisasi norma Circular Economy Action Plan Meski Sudah Keluar dari Uni Eropa?”. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan ini, penulis menganalisis alasan dibalik keputusan Inggris untuk melanjutkan proses lokalisasi norma ekonomi sirkular sekaligus proses lokalisasi yang terjadi dengan Teori Lokalisasi milik Acharya. Sebagai hasil penelitian ini, penulis mendapat temuan penelitian berupa pragmatisme Inggris dibalik komitmen mereka terhadap norma ekonomi sirkular. Proses lokalisasi norma ekonomi sirkular di Inggris juga terbukti berhasil dengan dibuatnya UK Circular Economy Package yang diadaptasi dari EU Circular Economy Package. Topik penelitian ini penting untuk diangkat menjadi studi Hubungan Internasional karena permasalahan lingkungan dan ekonomi yang saling berkelindan dan bersifat transnasional. Diharapkan penelitian ini dapat menambah literatur Hubungan Internasional mengenai lokalisasi norma, khususnya norma ekonomi sirkular yang terjadi di suatu negara.

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Along with the increasing general awareness about the impact of human economic activities on the environment, the circular economic discourse which is predicted to be a substitute for the conventional economic system that is destructive to the environment is also growing. In the last decade, the circular economy has received a lot of momentum and attention from various international actors, both practitioners and academics. The European Union is an example of an actor leading the advocacy of circular economic norms in a prominent manner, circular economy norms are promoted by encouraging member countries to localize the Circular Economy Action Plan, released in 2015, and incorporating circular economy principles into their national development plans. Armed with the European Union's directives, the UK has also internalized the circular economy principles in the Circular Economy Action Plan and has also encouraged local actors in its country to implement a circular economy in various economic activities. This continued even after Britain left the European Union. In early 2020, the UK even issued an official statement confirming its commitment to continue implementing circular economy norms even though it no longer has the obligation as a member of the European Union to comply with the Circular Economy Action Plan. The UK attitude shows that there has been a process of localization of circular economic norms taking place in its country. Departing from these discrepancies, the author then formulates a research question that underlies this thesis, namely, "Why did Britain localize the Circular Economy Action Plan norms even though they have left the European Union?". To answer this question, the author analyzes the reasons behind the UK's decision to continue the localization process of circular economic norms as well as the localization process that occurs with Acharya's Localization Theory. As a result of this study, the authors found research findings in the form of British pragmatism behind their commitment to circular economic norms. The process of localizing circular economy norms in the UK has also proven successful with the creation of the UK Circular Economy Package which was adapted from the EU Circular Economy Package. This research topic is important to be appointed as a study of International Relations because environmental and economic problems are intertwined and transnational in nature. It is hoped that this research can add to the International Relations literature regarding the localization of norms, especially circular economic norms that occur in a country."

"Penelitian ini berfokus pada strategi Uni Eropa dalam menjaga keamanan energi selama perang Rusia-Ukraina tahun 2022. Tujuannya adalah untuk menganalisis tanggapan Uni Eropa dan posisi Parlemen Indonesia terhadap perang Rusia-Ukraina dalam konteks keamanan energi. Menggunakan metode kualitatif dan pendekatan Teori Kompleksitas Keamanan Regional oleh Barry Buzan serta Konsep Keamanan Energi, penelitian ini mengungkap bahwa Uni Eropa telah mengadopsi sejumlah strategi penting untuk menjaga keamanan dan ketahanan energi selama konflik. Langkah-langkah yang diambil meliputi penerapan sanksi ekonomi dan politik terhadap Rusia, implementasi kebijakan REPowerEU untuk mendorong penggunaan energi terbarukan, diversifikasi pasokan energi, peningkatan kemandirian energi, serta peningkatan kerjasama bilateral dan multilateral di bidang energi. Selain itu ditemukan juga bahwa Indonesia berperan aktif melalui diplomasi parlemennya sebagai mediator dalam penyelesaian Perang Rusia – Ukraina tahun 2022, baik melalui hubungan bilateral maupun multilateral.

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This study focuses on the European Union's strategies in maintaining energy security during the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war. Its aim is to analyze the responses of the European Union and the position of the Indonesian Parliament towards the Russia-Ukraine conflict in the context of energy security. Employing qualitative methods and the Regional Security Complex Theory by Barry Buzan along with the Concept of Energy Security, this research reveals the European Union has adopted several critical strategies to safeguard energy security and resilience during the conflict. These measures include the implementation of economic and political sanctions against Russia, the implementation of the REPowerEU policy to promote renewable energy use, energy supply diversification, enhanced energy self-reliance, and increased bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the energy sector. Furthermore, the study finds that Indonesia actively engages through parliamentary diplomacy as a mediator in resolving the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war, both bilaterally and multilaterally."

"Isu keamanan dan pertahanan di Uni Eropa mulai muncul ke permukaan pasca periode Perang Dingin. Sistem internasional yang berubah menjadi unipolar, menghadirkan tantangan dan dinamika ancaman yang baru. Adanya upaya untuk dapat bertindak secara independen dan mengurangi ketergantungan terhadap NATO dalam menentukan arah kebijakan pertahanannya, membuat Uni Eropa mulai berusaha mengembangkan kerjasama pertahanan secara internal. Sejumlah literatur kemudian mencatat progres secara kelembagaan dan pembentukan sejumlah inisiatif untuk meningkatkan struktur dari operasionalisasi kerjasama pertahanan. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk meninjau perkembangan literatur mengenai kerjasama pertahanan Uni Eropa. Dalam tulisan ini juga terdapat sejumlah 37 literatur yang digunakan untuk peninjauan pustaka. Berdasarkan metode taksonomi, literatur-literatur tersebut terbagi ke dalam enam kategori yang terdiri dari (1) fungsi kerangka kerjasama pertahanan, (2) proses evolusi kerjasama pertahanan, (3) proses pengambilan keputusan, (4) pengerahan pasukan, (5) relasi terhadap NATO, dan (6) relasi terhadap PBB. Tulisan ini akan berusaha dalam melihat perdebatan, konsensus, dan sintesis dalam literatur yang membahas kerjasama pertahanan Uni Eropa. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa kerjasama pertahanan Uni Eropa memiliki relevansi dalam studi keamanan terutama dalam melihat kontribusi Uni Eropa melalui sejumlah operasi dan misi yang telah dan sedang dijalankan. Meskipun demikian, penulis melihat perluasan perspektif literatur yang tidak terbatas hanya pada akademisi yang berasal dari Uni Eropa dan Amerika Utara, akan dapat memperkaya dan meningkatkan kualitas dan relevansi penelitian.

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Security and defense issues in the European Union began to surface after the Cold War period. The international system turned unipolar, presenting new challenges and threat dynamics. The effort to be able to act independently and reduce dependence on NATO in determining the direction of its defense policy, made the European Union begin to try to develop defense cooperation internally. A number of literatures then note the institutional progress and the establishment of a number of initiatives to improve the structure of the operationalization of defense cooperation. This paper aims to review the growing literature on EU defense cooperation. In this paper, a total of 37 literatures are used for the literature review. Based on the taxonomy method, the literature is divided into six categories consisting of (1) the function of the defense cooperation framework, (2) the evolutionary process of defense cooperation, (3) the decision-making process, (4) deployment of troops, (5) relations to NATO, and (6) relations to the UN. This paper will attempt to look at the debates, consensus, and synthesis in the literature discussing EU defense cooperation. This paper concludes that EU defense cooperation has relevance in security studies, especially in looking at the EU's contribution through a number of operations and missions that have been and are being carried out. However, the author believes that broadening the perspective of the literature beyond academics from the European Union and North America would enrich and improve the quality and relevance of the research."

"ABSTRAKBanyak kekhawatiran bahwa keputusan tersebut akan membahayakan kegiatan bisnis global karena peraturan baru yang akan dihasilkan dari Brexit. Dari sudut pandang kapitalis, terutama industri penerbangan Inggris, Brexit berpotensi mengganggu operasi dan kelangsungan banyak maskapai dari Inggris. Perubahan regulasi penerbangan akan berdampak negatif pada sebagian besar maskapai penerbangan karena biaya yang harus dikeluarkan untuk beradaptasi dengan perubahan ini. Dampak potensial lainnya terhadap industri penerbangan berasal dari sektor keuangan. Mata uang Poundsterling yang melemah sebagai dampak dari Brexit juga dapat merugikan industri penerbangan di Inggris. Brexit kemungkinan besar akan mengganggu operasi banyak maskapai penerbangan yang beroperasi antara Inggris dan Uni Eropa. Pihak yang diprediksi akan paling terpengaruh adalah maskapai penerbangan bertarif rendah LCC sementara maskapai besar lainnya masih bisa beradaptasi dengan perubahan tersebut. Negosiasi antara maskapai penerbangan dan lembaga pemerintah harus dilakukan untuk menciptakan solusi dari fenomena Brexit ini.

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ABSTRACTThe decision by The United Kingdom to leave the European Union EU has sparked many controversies globally. Many fears that the decision will harm global business activities due to the new regulations that will result from the exit. From the capitalist point of view, especially the British aviation industry, Brexit may potentially disrupt the operations and continuity of many airlines from the UK. The change in airline regulations will have a negative impact on most of the airlines due to the costs they have to incur to adapt to these changes. Other potential impact to the aviation industry comes from the financial sector. The weakening British Pounds that results from Brexit could also disadvantage the aviation industry. Brexit will most likely disrupt the operations of many airlines that operate between the UK and EU. The most affected airlines would be the low-cost carriers LCC while other bigger airlines could still adapt to the changes. Negotiations between the airlines and government institutions must take place in order to create a solution. Keywords:Brexit, aviation industry, capitalist, European Union, British Pounds, requlations, financial sector "

"Tesis ini membahas tentang kajian strategi Hungaria dalam hubungannya dengan Rusia pada konteks sanksi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia. Sanksi tersebut diperpanjang berkali-kali sampai Juli 2020. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep keamanan energi dan teori diplomasi energi melalui perspektif state dan non-state actor untuk menganalisis isu tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan mix methods dengan desain triangulasi konkuren yang menggunakan studi pustaka, literatur, dokumentasi atau observasi yang dibatasi oleh rentan waktu adanya sanksi Uni Eropa kepada Rusia. Penelitian ini menemukan 4 faktor keamanan energi Hungaria yang menjadi alasan kuat mengapa bekerjasama dengan Rusia ditengah sanksi Uni Eropa. Selain itu, Penelitian ini juga mengungkapkan peran penting Perusahaan milik Rusia dalam menyukseskan keberhasilan kerjasama dalam sektor energi. Faktor kerjasama keamanan energi dapat mempererat hubungan baik antara Hungaria dengan Rusia ditengah konflik sanksi Uni Eropa. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk melihat bagaimana eratnya hubungan antara Hungaria dengan Rusia di era sekarang serta hubungannya Uni Eropa sebagai anggota sejak 2004. Selain itu, penelitian ini juga melihat kebijakan Hungaria dalam mendiversifikasi keamanan energi negaranya untuk kepentingan serta contoh pola kebijakan untuk negara eropa lainnya.

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This thesis discusses the study of Hungary's strategy in relation to Russia in the context of European Union sanctions against Russia. The sanctions were extended several times until July 2020. This study uses the concept of energy security and energy diplomacy theory through the perspective of state and non-state actors. This study uses mixed-methods with concurrent triangulation design that uses literature studies, literature, documentation, or observations that are limited by the timeframe of the EU sanctions against Russia. This study finds 4 factors of Hungarian energy security which are strong reasons for cooperating with Russia in the midst of European Union sanctions. In addition, this study also reveals the important role of Russian-owned companies in the success of cooperation in the energy sector. The energy security cooperation factor can strengthen good relations between Hungary and Russia amid the European Union sanctions conflict. This study was conducted to see how close the relationship between Hungary and Russia is in the present era and the relationship between the European Union as a member since 2004. In addition, this study also looks at Hungary's policy in diversifying its country's energy security for the benefit and examples of policy patterns for other European countries."

"Tesis ini berfokus pada fenomena keluarnya Ingris dari Uni Eropa Brexit . Dalam fenomena ini terjadi persaingan diskursif antara Remain vs Leave. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori pemosisian dengan asumsi dasar bahwa diskursus adalah variabel utama yang disosialisasikan oleh agen sehingga menjadi sebuah realita sosial. Kemenangan diskursif ditentukan dalam tiga variabel kelayakan: Kelayakan Referensi, Kelayakan Sistemik dan Kelayakan Sosial. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode process tracing dan telaah wacana untuk melihat proses deepening Inggris ke Uni Eropa.. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa persaingan diskursif ini dimenangkan oleh agen yaitu kelompok leave yang menginterpretasikan bahwa identias nasional Inggris tidak kompatibel dengan identitas Uni Eropa dan memunculkan kegagalan proses deepening pada integrasi Inggris dengan Uni Eropa. Meskipun secara kuantitatif diskursus kelompok remain lebih unggul sampai periode sebelum referendum variabel kelayakan referensi , namun pada akhirnya kelompok leave secara kelayakan sistemik lebih dapat mendistribusikan diskursusnya untuk menjangkau ke masyarakat. Dalam variabel kelayakan sosial, kelompok leave juga lebih unggul karena diskursusnya lebih dapat diterima di masyarakat. Penelitian ini menyumbang pada studi tentang regionalisme yang memberikan pemahaman bahwa dinamika yang terjadi dalam institusi regional tidak hanya bisa meluas expand , tetapi juga bisa menyusut shrink . Isu Brexit menjadi penting karena belum pernah ada negara mengambil sikap untuk keluar dari institusi maju seperti Uni Eropa.

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This thesis focuses on the phenomenon of Britain leaving the European Union Brexit. The phenomenon refers to the discursive competition between the two parties Remain vs. Leave. This research uses positioning theory with the basic assumption that discourse is the main variable which is socialized by agent and it transcends into a social reality. Discursive victory itself is determined in three eligibility indicators Referential Adequacy, Systematic Adequacy and Social Adequacy. This research applies process tracing and discourse analysis method to examine the deepening process of UK to the European Union. The result of this study indicates that the discursive competition won by the agent of the Leave group which interpreted UK national identity was not compatible with the EU identity and led to the failure of a deepening process on British integration to the EU. Quantitatively, based on the Referential Adequacy indicator, the discourse of the Remain group is higher than the Leave group especially in the final weekend before the referendum. However, based on Systematic Adequacy indicator, the Leave group is more successful in distributing its discourse to reach out to the people. Last, the Leave group is also winning because based on Social Adequacy indicator the discourse is more acceptable in society. This research contributes to the study of regionalism which provides an understanding that the dynamics within regional institutions not only can expand, but also shrink. The issue of brexit is important, because no country has ever taken the stance to get out of an advanced institution like the European Union. "