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"Tulisan ini menelisik respons kebijakan Indonesia pada periode meletusnya pemberontakan Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia (PRRI) dan Piagam Perjuangan Semesta (Permesta) dan keterlibatan terang-terangan Amerika Serikat di dalamnya. Dengan menggunakan teori omnibalancing, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menelaah respons Indonesia terhadap intervensi AS tersebut. Studi ini kemudian menunjukkan bahwa pilihan normalisasi yang diambil Indonesia pasca keterlibatan Amerika Serikat dalam pemberontakan PRRI/Permesta semata merupakan strategi taktis yang diambil untuk menjamin keselamatan rezim yang sedang dilanda krisis legitimasi dan ancaman disintegrasi negara. Omnibalancing dijalankan dengan dua cara, yaitu balancing internal berupa pemberantasan anasir PRRI/Permesta dan penataan ulang sistem politik yang menciptakan Demokrasi Terpimpin dan balancing eksternal yang berwujud normalisasi hubungan dengan Amerika Serikat pasca intervensinya diketahui. Omnibalancing rezim Sukarno kemudian berhasil memastikan bertahannya kekuasaan pemerintah dan integrasi negara dengan menumpas PRRI/Permesta sembari secara bersamaan mempertahankan hubungan dengan Amerika Serikat

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This study examines Indonesia’s policy response during the outbreak of the rebellion of the Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia (PRRI) and the Universal Struggle Charter (Permesta) and the involvement of the United States in it. By using omnibalancing theory, this paper seeks to investigate Indonesia’s policy responses to US’ intervention. This study shows that the normalization path taken by Indonesia after US’ involvement in the PRRI/Permesta rebellion was a tactical strategy made to ensure regime survival which was being jeopardized by a crisis of legitimacy and threatened by state disintegration. Omnibalancing is carried out in two ways, i.e. internal balancing in the form of eradicating PRRI/Permesta elements and rearranging the political system to create Guided Democracy and external balancing in the form of normalizing relations with the United States after its intervention is publicly known. Sukarno’s omnibalancing regime then succeeded in ensuring the survival of government in power and annihilating the PRRI/Permesta while also maintaining relations with the United States."

"It is cross-linguistically defined that adjective is a word category that typically denotes quality and attributes. This category basically falls into semantic properties denoting age, dimension, values, and colours. They also indicate human propensities, physical properties, and speed. Syntactically, adjective typically functions as noun modifiers. However, many adjectives also share features with verbs and/or nouns. This makes adjectives not easy to define. Therefore, morphological and syntactic accounts are required, in addition to semantics, to define the prototypical characteristics of adjectives. This paper has shown that majority of lexemes denoting adjectival properties in Dhao share features with verbs. Although the prefix pa- can be attached to verbs and adjectives to generate causative meaning, adjectives are confined only to the second verb in serial verb construction, instead of being the predicate heads. Further, only four adjectives can function as noun modifiers in their bare forms. These latter adjectives are considered as pure or simple adjectives, while the other nine qualifying for adjectives as “recategorized” adjectives."

"Summary:J. Ann Tickner is ranked among the most influential scholars of international relations. As one of the founders of the field of feminist international relations, she is also among the most pioneering. A Feminist Voyage through International Relations provides a compendium of Tickner's work as a feminist IR scholar, from the late 1980s through to present day"

"This book proposes the idea of fictional International Relations (IR) and engages with feminist IR by contextualising the case of a woman spy in Korea in the Cold War. Fictional imagination and feminist IR encourage one to go beyond conventional or standard ways of thinking; it reshapes taken-for-granted interpretations and assumptions. This takes the view that a dominant narrative of events might be reconstructed as a different kind of story, once events are placed within a wider temporal approach. The case of the female Korean secret agent- who reportedly bombed a South Korean plane (Korean Airlines (KAL) Flight 858) under the instruction from the North Korean leadership to disrupt the Seoul Olympic Games- is chosen to serve as an effective example of fictional IR and feminist IR scholarship, which can be investigated through the research puzzles concerning gender, pain and truth. Fictional International Relations has three main objectives. First, it investigates the way in which fiction-writing can become a method for dealing with data problems and contingency in IR. Second, the book examines how gender, pain and truth operate or interact in the case of the Korean spy and how this observation can strengthen feminist IR in terms of intersectionality. Finally, the author goes on to determine why this case has been so difficult to study openly and thoroughly. The aim of the book is not to refute the official findings; the point is to unpack complex dynamics surrounding truth--more specifically how the official account has been executed as 'the' truth--based on a feminist-informed investigation. This book will be of interest to students of IR theory, critical security studies, Cold War studies, gender studies and Asian studies"-"

"Gender Matters in Global Politics is a comprehensive textbook for advanced undergraduates studying feminism &​ international relations, gender and global politics and similar courses. It provides students with an accessible but in-depth account of the most significant theories, methodologies, debates and issues. This textbook is written by an international line-up of established and emerging scholars from a range of theoretical perspectives, providing students with provocative and cutting-edge insights into the study and practices of (how) gender matters in global politics. Key features and benefits of the book: Introduces students to the wide variety of feminist and gender theory and explains the relevance to contemporary global politics Explains the insights of feminist theory for a range of other disciplines including international relations, international political economy and security studies Addresses a large number of key contemporary issues such as human rights, trafficking, rape as a tool of war, peacekeeping and state-building, terrorism and environmental politics Features extensive pedagogy to facilitate learning seminar exercises, text boxes, photographs, suggestions for further reading, web resources and a glossary of key termsNew chapters on Environmental politics and ecology; War; Terrorism and political violence; Land, food and water; International legal institutions; Peacebuilding institutions and postconflict reconstruction; Citizenship; Art, aesthetics and emotionality; and New social media and global resistance In this innovative and groundbreaking textbook gender is represented as a noun, a verb and a logic, allowing both students and lecturers to develop a sophisticated understanding of the crucial role that gender plays in the theories, policies and practices of global politics"

"This thesis examines the normalization of China-Indonesia?s diplomatic relations in order to understand China?s main motivation. The ?micro-macro linkage? approach is used to uphold the empirical evidence that is enhanced by the mianzi concept. In Chinese culture, mianzi consists of honourable values and meanings. The result of this research shows that the changes in China?s foreign policy priority have been caused by the demise of the socialist power in the late 1980s and the Tiananmen incident in 1989. Threat to China?s sovereignty and unity has been the basis of the priority to keep the country?s honour and existence. The term baoquan mianzi is used in this matter. It means using the whole potential of the Chinese people to defend the country?s honour. The People's Republic of China?s international image and glory need to be restored. The normalization of diplomatic relations has proven to be part of baoquan mianzi effort and has given China a big opportunity to participate in regional and global forums."

"Sejak awal pendiriannya di tahun 1948, Israel memiliki hubungan yang konfliktual dengan negara-negara Arab. Hal tersebut berkaitan dengan didirikannya negara tersebut pada wilayah bangsa Arab, yakni Palestina. Kondisi tersebut akhirnya memantik munculnya berbagai isu keamanan di antara Israel dan negara-negara Arab. Ketegangan tersebut terus berlanjut hingga Liga Arab menyodorkan proposal Inisiatif Perdamaian Arab (IPA) di tahun 2002. Proposal tersebut memuat prasyarat-prasyarat yang harus dipenuhi Israel sebelum dapat menormalisasikan hubungannya dengan negara Arab. Di tahun 2020, UEA selaku negara yang turut menandatangani IPA secara mengejutkan menormalisasikan hubungan diplomatiknya dengan Israel melalui Abraham Accords (AA), meski Israel belum memenuhi prasyarat yang tertulis dalam IPA. Dari permasalahan di atas, tulisan ini akan mengupas faktor-faktor yang mendorong UEA untuk mengambil kebijakan demikian. Dengan menggunakan analisis Realisme Neoklasik, penelitian ini berargumen bahwa terdapat dorongan struktural yang kemudian diterjemahkan melalui kondisi domestik UEA, sehingga mendorong terjadinya pengambilan keputusan normalisasi dengan Israel. Tekanan struktural menciptakan kebutuhan bagi UEA untuk berkoalisi dengan Israel selaku sekutu AS, untuk mengamankan diri dari ancaman Iran. Sedangkan kondisi domestik akan memperlihatkan kapasitas rezim MBZ dalam merespons stimulus eksternal. Melalui pertimbangan faktor-faktor di atas, keputusan UEA dapat dilihat sebagai upaya bandwagoning untuk mendapatkan keuntungan berupa insentif ekonomi dan militer dari koalisi AS.

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Since its establishment in 1948, Israel has had conflicting relations with Arab countries. This is related to the formation of the state on the territory of the Arab nation, namely Palestine. This condition finally sparked the emergence of various security issues between Israel and Arab countries. These tensions continued until the Arab League presented the Arab Peace Initiative (API) proposal in 2002. The proposal contained prerequisites that Israel had to meet before it could normalize its relations with Arab states. In 2020, the UAE as a signatory to the IPA surprisingly normalized its diplomatic relations with Israel through the Abraham Accords (AA), even though Israel has not yet met the prerequisites written in the IPA. From the problems above, this paper will explore the factors that encourage the UAE to take such a policy. By using Neoclassical Realism analysis, this research argues that there is a structural impetus which is then translated through the UAE's domestic conditions, thus encouraging normalization decision making with Israel. The structural pressures create the need for the UAE to form a coalition with Israel as an ally of the US, to secure itself from the Iranian threat. Meanwhile, domestic conditions will capture the regime capacity to respond structural stimulus. By considering the above factors, the UAE's decision can be seen as a bandwagoning effort to gain economic and military incentives from the US coalition."