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Hasil Pencarian

Ditemukan 75 dokumen yang sesuai dengan query
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Ari Kuncoro
"ABSTRACT
For a private firm the primary concern of stakeholders from management, employees and shareholders is sustainability. Not so much about ethics, particularly if survival is at stake. Business environment however is not always friendly. Uncertainty could come from government regulations. Many regulations are created to correct for negative externalities from private firm operation. Facing the possibility of business stoppage, many firms would have no choice but to pay grease money to speed up the process.
One example of regulation that may have adverse impact on manufacturing is import restriction or import licensing on vital imported inputs. In order to produce high quality product firms often have import critical inputs simply because the domestic industry is unable to meet the quality or simply it does not exist. Particularly so is an export-oriented firm that has to compete in the global market.
Interestingly, import bans, import restrictions and other types of quantitative restrictions may not be binding. The execution of prohibitive regulations is mainly in the hand of lower level bureaucrats. With weak supervision from the upper echelon, private firms with their survivability at stake may have to forego "ethics" by bribing lower level bureaucrats in order to obtain vital inputs.
Using the annual survey of Indonesia manufacturing we examine the behaviour of manufacturing in the post-commodity boom era after 2012 when the country is becoming more protectionist. The initial hypothesis suggests that exporting firms use imported inputs proportionally higher than non-exporters. As a result, when the government restricted import in the post commodity boom era, the proportion of bribe and representation expense is higher than their non-exporting counterparts. This behaviour is also observed when instead, FDI versus non FDI firms are compared. Overall there is no increase on the firm export orientation."
Jakarta: Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, 2018
364 INTG 4:2 (2018)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Maria Silvya Wangga
"ABSTRAK
Partai politik merupakan sarana bagi warga negara untuk turut serta atau berpartisipasi dalam proses pengelolaan negara. Tetapi, terkadang partisipasi yang disampaikan perorangan warga negara diabaikan atau tidak didengar maka disalurkan, ditampung dan diolah melalui partai politik. Dalam tataran kebijakan anggaran terjadi banyak penyimpangan bahkan terindikasi menimbulkan kerugiaan negaraatau perekonomian negara yang memenuhi rumusan norma tindak pidana korupsi.
Permasalahan dalam penelitian, adalah (1). Mengapa partai politik, selaku badan hukum dapat dipertanggungjawabkan dalam tindak pidana korupsi? (2). Apakah bentuk pertanggungjawaban partai politik dalam tindak pidana korupsi? Partai politik, selaku badan hukum dapat dipertanggungjawabkan atas tindak pidana korupsi berdasarkan formulasi norma yang diatur dalam perundang-undangan nasional, serta pada ajaran tendensi sosiologis, yang mempertimbangkan tindakan/dampak dari tindak pidana korupsi. Adapun bentuk pertanggungjawaban pidana pokoknya berupa pidana denda dan pidana tambahan, yang mana dalam tataran praktik mendapatkan kesulitan atau kelemahan. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan pendekatan socio legal.
Penegak hukumdapat menjalankan formulasi norma pertanggungjawabkan atas tindak pidana korupsi terhadap partai politik, selaku badan hukumserta mempertimbangkan tindakan/dampak dari korupsi. Dan mendorong DPR segera mengesahkan R-KUHP yang telah mengatur doktrin vicarious liabilty untuk mendukung penegakan hukum pada masa mendatang. Dan merekomendasikan pembaharuan formulasi pidana pokok terhadap partai politik di luar pidana denda."
Jakarta: Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, 2018
364 INTG 4:2 (2018)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Robi Cahyadi Kurniawan
"ABSTRACT
Money politics in elections and local elections is a phenomenon that is prevalent in procedural democracies in Indonesia, especially since the direct elections in 2004. Voters are very familiar with the term money politics and also do not hesitate to accept gifts in the form of money and goods. This paper tries to offer an effort to prevent the practice of money politics seen from the sociological and psychological aspects of voters, by providing an understanding of cognitive and affective aspects to instill in the minds of voters that money politics is a crime and a fundamental violation of ethics and morals. Voters in electoral practice can be influenced by their choices if they are given goods assistance or giving money. Relations or relationships between candidates and voters occur in terms of voting, providing services and personal activities, providing goods, providing projects, electoral fraud, identity appearance and raising funds for candidates for regional head candidates. The voter's social capital and local wisdom are expected to reduce the practice of money politics."
Jakarta: Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, 2019
364 INTG 5:1 (2019)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Almas Ghaliya Putri Sjafrina
"ABSTRACT
Money politics has posed a major challenge in Indonesian general election, which has not only dangerously polluted the election's integrity but also triggered the emergence of political corruption. There have been at least 13 corruption cases handled by KPK with correlation with the costs to win the election, including the practice of nomination buying and vote buying. This article examines the correlation between money politics and political corruption, and suggests the importance of political parties' reform as a necessary solution, particularly regarding the recruitment of election candidates, political party financing, and voter education. This agenda is important because the roots of nomination and vote buying mainly come from political parties's problems."
Jakarta: Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, 2019
364 INTG 5:1 (2019)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Burhanuddin Muhtadi
"ABSTRACT
How many voters sell their votes in Indonesia, and how effective is it? Elaborated from a wide range of survey methods -whether individual, observational, or derived from the list-experiment, the proportion of voters participating in vote-buying in the 2019 election was between 19,4% and 33,1%. This range is comparatively high by international standards, with Indonesia's level of vote buying being the third largest in the world. Given that the list-experiment and the straight-forward survey questions result inconsistent findings, it can be concluded that vote buying is less likely to be stigmatized, and such practice has become a new normal during the election. This study also finds that Indonesia's open-list proportional system shapes the supply-side of vote buying. Under such an electoral system, candidates are forced to compete against co-partisans for personal votes. And because, according to the open-list system, a seat (or seats) secured by a party must be allocated to that party's candidates who obtained the most individual votes, candidates only need to win a small slice of the votes to defeat their co-partisans. To do so, they need to differentiate themselves from their party peers, including by buying votes."
Jakarta: Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, 2019
364 INTG 5:1 (2019)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Mada Sukmajati
"ABSTRACT
This paper examines the patterns of campaign funding in the Indonesian 2019 Concurrent Election by focusing on the dimensions of revenue and expenditure both in the presidential and legislative elections. This article also discusses the nature of the political regime as a consequence of the patterns. In doing so, the analysis is based on campaign finance theory supported by the concept of clientelism and programmatic politics. By relying on secondary data, this paper argues that the way the candidates manage their campaign funding shows the strengthening of political clientelism on one side and the waning of programmatic politics on the others side. Consequently, patronage democracy will also strengthen in Indonesia after the 2019 Election."
Jakarta: Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, 2019
364 INTG 5:1 (2019)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Feri Amsari
"ABSTRACT
"Uang Mahar" (Dowry for Candidacy) as a condition to be nominated by the party has damaged the purpose of the election. The resulting government tends to be corrupt. So, the prevention of dowry money practices in elections is very important. Efforts to stop it cannot rely on voters by suggesting they do not choose corrupt politicians or who use money politics. Voters tend to be permissive. Corruption perpetrators are often forgiven in elections by choosing them once again, especially politicians who practice dowry politics. The entrapment of the dowry perpetrators is to eliminate their political rights, whether the right to vote or the right to be nominated, and apply more severe penalties to the perpetrators. This method is considered capable of changing the practice of dowry politics in Indonesian democracy."
Jakarta: Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, 2019
364 INTG 5:1 (2019)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Muhammad Nur Ramadhan
"ABSTRACT
Clientelism or clientelist practices is still a part of Indonesia's democracy, especially regarding electoral and local practices. Seeing clientelism as a corruptive behavior goes deep into its meaning, which is a two-way transaction, therefore in need of two-sided elucidation: supply and demand part. In this context, the demand that is continuously found in democratic practices is a logical consequence of the capacity lack of voters or citizen to control their representative and political figures. Especially to ensure that their welfare is a part of the political agenda. Specifically, there are two factors identified that make clientelism a logical consequence, which is unfulfilled rights as a citizen and the malfunctioning of political representation. Therefore, to respond to these corruptive and distortive phenomena, there are at least four strategies to implement. First, tighten and have more rigorous post-election programs implementation. Second, provide a local and socially-rooted mechanism and platform to control political figures. Third, reforming regulations on the patron-client relationship, especially in political/electoral momentum. Lastly, tighten the supervision of recess activities. "
Jakarta: Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, 2019
364 INTG 5:1 (2019)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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"Funders take a role in resolving the problem of large regional election cost gaps and insufficient wealth of candidates for regional head elections. However, the hope of the funder will reciprocate the contribution that has been given to cause a problem of conflict of interest by the elected regional head. The KPK conducted a study to identify potential conflicts of interest in regional election funding. The study was conducted on the losing head/deputy regional head candidates in 2015, 2017 and 2018 regional elections through the telescopic method, secondary data processing (KPU and LHKPN), and special in-depth interviews in 2018. Studies show that the hopes of funders will return in the future clearly expressed. Most of the candidates for head/deputy regional head will meet these expectations when winning the election/office. Funders expect a response in the form of business licensing, ease of participating in government project tenders, and security in conducting business."
Jakarta: Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, 2019
364 INTG 5:1 (2019)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Epakartika
"Masyarakat sipil memiliki peranan penting dalam agenda pemberantasan korupsi. Tulisan ini mendeskripsikan dan menganalisis bagaimana peran masyarakat sipil dalam kegiatan
Gerakan Nasional Penyelamatan Sumber Daya Alam (GNP SDA) yang diinisiasi Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK), dengan melibatkan beberapa pihak lain seperti Kementerian/Lembaga dan Pemerintah Daerah. Dari tulisan ini setidaknya menunjukan bagaimana pelibatan masyarakat sipil dalam upaya meningkatkan tata kelola sumber daya
alam dapat memberikan dampak positif tidak hanya dalam mendukung kerja pencegahan dan pemberantasan korupsi, namun juga mendorong terjadinya evolusi peran masyarakat sipil dari pemberi informasi menjadi pelaksana dalam kegiatan GNP SDA."
Jakarta: Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, 2019
364 INTG 5:2-2 (2019)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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