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The Taiwan Democracy Quarterly consolidates research on Taiwan's democratization and serves as an information platform to further encourage domestic and international democracy-related research. The Quarterly aims to increase the global community?s understanding of Taiwan?s democratization experience and progress. It is published four times a year in Spring, Summer, Fall, and Winter editions. Currently, the Quarterly is available only in Mandarin Chinese but an English edition will be published later this year.

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This article aims at unifying the theory of spatial votin and the theory that is variously called conceptualization, information, or sophistication. Following Down's early insight on uncertainity as well as recent developments in both literatures, I argue that it is of critical importance that spatial voting models explicitily incorporate information effects. For this purpose, I develop a heterogeneity. This model is applied to the Taiwan Eleection and Democratization Study's 2004 post-presidential election survey data. In 2004, Taiwan's political landscape was dominantly defined by the Green vs Blue ideological cleavage, and the candidates wwere preceived as taking divergent positions. This article investigates the effects of information and activism on the spatial structure and their implications on candidates' strategies. My findings confirm the existance of these effects on voter uncertainty in the frmework of spatial analysis.

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A core issue of welfare state studies is the discrepancy in public support for welfare this study uses "the 2015 survey on social justice in taiwan" of taiwan foundation for democracy to analyze the general attitude towards welfare in taiwan. this paper identifies three main factors that affect public opinion on the matter. first, the citizens acclimation and satisfaction with democratic ideals have spurred support for welfare even though it would mean an increase in taxes and a slower economy. second, support for welfare expansion increases when people believe the government is at least somewhat, responsible for the poor economic situation for many individuals. third, age, rather than class, appears to be the main social attribute that divides attitude on welfare.

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In south korea, due to democratization, the pattern of democratic and antidemocratic competing for political power is eliminated. but, there is growing concern about regionalism and confrontation between conservative and progressive caused by the split of liberty party and formation of liberal government. the development of regionalism in south korea is like jeolla region is progressive, and gyeongsang and chungcheong region is very strong conservative.

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This paper reviews the making of singapore's ethnic conflicts during the 1950s and 1960s, the rise of opposition forces during 1980s, the theory asserting that the group representation constituency has helped the minority groups enter the parliament, and contemporary ethnic concerns in 2017 presidential election. the authors argue that singapore's ceaseless memory of conflicting ethnic relations is the product of political management. the singapore government therefore creates an electoral system that ensures minority representations in politics, but is in fact favorable to the ruling party and its political elites from the majority group. as a result, the ruling party consolidates its power by strengthening negative stereotypes of the minority, and continues to reproduces ethnic disharmony

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We discuss how perceived equality of opportunity and the legitimacy of development approaches affect how people evaluate social justice and development opportunities in Taiwan. We explore the gaps of perceived oppurtunity equality between different generations, genders, income and sub-ethnicity groups, and investigate people's feelings toward making a good living through hard work vc. through real estate investments and stock trading. Factors closely relating to people's economic life, including perceived opportunity gap between generations and between income groups, play significant roles in influencing people's assessments of social justice. In addition, factors with highly symbolic meaning, such as the perceived opportunity gap between sub-ethnicity groups and the perceived legitimacy of capital games also shape people's views toward social justice. Next, we find that factors closely associated with people's economic life significantly influence people's evaluations on development oppurtunities, while factors with highly symbolic meaning do not have similar effects. we also examine the influence of development outcomes, operationalized as income, oocupation, or educational levels. empirical results prove that these outcome factors do not significantly influence people's evaluations on both social justice and development opportunities. we analyze the 2015 Taiwan Society Fairness Survey to test hypotheses.

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Governmental committees are a type of collegical organizations in the executive branch whereby policy stakeholders are incorporated into the decision-making process so that they may negotiate with each other to achieve policy outcomes under the overall executive leadership. However, as institutions designed to enlarge policy participation, the democratic effects of committees are still under debate. To uncover the political effects of committee mechanism, the aim of this study is to address the stakeholders influence over decision making in the committee mechanism and how this influence is affected by access to resources. Theoritically, the author illustrates the factors determining stakeholders influence with three perspectives. First, the election mobilization approach emphasizes the political dimension of public policies, meaning that decision making should be legitimated by majoritarian support. Second, from the viewpoint of professional asymmetry, professional dominance over knowledge sources can lead or affect policy content; as a result, those with access to profesiional resources have the implicit capacity to control decision outcomes. Third, the administrative approach focuses on the normative legitimacy of the state, as well as its monopoly over executive functions.

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The economists develop the incomplete contracting theory to analyze how to furthest avoid the inefficiency due to contractual completeness. The contract for the exchange is incomplete so that the buyer and seller have room for discretion, which means to behave in ways the other did not fully agree to. Incomplete contracts create a zone of discretion in which both parties can make choices that influence the outcomes they both receive. Unfortunately, empirical analyses relating to PPPs and incomplete contracting theory are few. Our knowledge of contract management is largely rooted in complete contracts, yet as we move beyond contract specification and further into the contract lifecycle, we know little about how and why public and private managers exert their residual rights of control, and its potential impacts on the efficiency of contract. In this research, the author will turn to case study approach to assess current and past PPP relationships and to exact lessons for future partnerships. A semi-structured interview protocol will be developed to interview respondents. Contract documentation and supplemental documentation will also be obtained from interviewed public managers. Our expected results will contribute to the literature on contract management capacity as well as our better understanding of how public and private contract managers use incomplete contracting theory, property rights theory, and relational contracting to consciously discern and overcome managerial challenges of long-term contract in the field of PPP.

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World War II, the political system of Japan was characterized by the dominance of Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in past several decades. Therefore, LDP, which has accumulated abundant of assets and developed a close and extensive relationship with business complex, has been won elections under competitive campaigns. This result aroused the accusation for unfair competition among political parties. However, the implementation of Political Parties Law (PPL) would like to influence the freedom of party politics, people's thought and assembly and association. This article tries to explore the purpose and motivation of making the Political Parties Law in Japan through perspective of comparative politics. Through analyzing the version of PPL proposed by political parties and interest groups, it reveals that the real motivation of Japanese parties is to standardize the management rules of parties and to promote the oligopoly of parties for maximizing the political power. On the other hand, interest groups are focusing on the convention and subsidies of parties. Consequently, the party politics of Japan will fall into the competition of oligarchy and bring politics as a serving role of business complex. That is, the expected effecet of PPL as a new institution is to continually promote the benefits of big parties, and interest groups tend to follow the path of market nules in their political development. Currently, the decline of Political Funds Control Acts has triggered the advocate of PPL as a good idea, but is also provides an opportunity for those actors to sponsor institutional arrangements which are favorable ther intereset, However, the implementation of PPLK will reduce the number of political parties, siden the gap between big and small parties, and raise subsidies for big parties because of the exclusion of small parties from participation.

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Throwing the rascal out,is one of the bedrock principles in modern democracy. The idea of accountability is thus realized by replacing under-performed politicians by qualified ones. However, its often found that citizen fails to identify the real rascal as well as non-performance issues carries more weight in citizens voting choices in election. In Taiwan, the demand for accountable governance is even more pressing as Taiwan has entered a new phrase of democratic consolidation. This paper focuses on the event of gas blast in Kaohsiung City in 2014 as a case study of the association between political accountability and voters choice in the year end election for city mayor. Special attention is paid to citizens perception affects citizens vote choice in mayoral election. Based on the analyses of post-election survey, this paper concludes that, in addition to the conventional factors such as party identification and approval rating, citizens perception of reponsibility attribution and evaluation of governments responses toward the event also play significant roles in election. It also show that, comparing to the long term psychological or ambiguous approval factors, the gas blast event as a case study of political accountability is more able to examine the electoral impact of political accountability is more able to examine the electoral impact of political accountability. In the last part of this paper, a brief concluding remarks and the suggestions of studying political accountability in Taiwan will be provided.