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"Tindakan afirmatif dengan pemberian kuota 30% bagi kaum perempuan, merupakan hak konstitusional yang harus dipandang dengan proporsional dengan tidak mengesampingkan hak kedaulatan rakyat. Sebagai stake holder utama dalam negara demokratis, adalah hak rakyat untuk memilih para wakilnya untuk duduk di parlemen. Pengabaian terhadap hak rakyat untuk memilih para wakilnya merupakan pencederaan terhadap demokrasi dan kedaulatan rakyat "

"Kinship politics has become an old topic of discussion in all countries that adhere to democracy, even for a democratic example country like America. The phenomenon of kinship politics is also inseparable from democracy in Indonesia. The rise of kinship politics is reflected in the implementation of the 2020 Regional Head Elections. This has caused concern from various groups, from the general public to democracy experts. They assume that the practice of kinship politics will harm political developments in Indonesia. Based on this phenomenon, this article aims to review kinship politics in the 2020 Regional Head Elections. The review covers implementing kinship politics, the reasons for the widespread practice of kinship politics in Indonesia, and its implications for governance practices in Indonesia. The methodology used is the method of literature study or literature review. Based on the findings, kinship politics in Indonesia occurs in almost all regions in Indonesia and strengthens in the 2020 Regional Head Elections. This happens because of the pattern of patron-client. Furthermore, negative implications are found in a patronage network that leads to cases of KKN-the Indonesian acronym for corruption, collusion, and nepotism, the destruction of local democracy, and moral hazard problems. The alternative used is political party reform, where the party applies a transparent and merit-based mechanism for regeneration."

"Conservatism is about defending the status quo; in both Germany and Japan, the status quo is the postwar democratic regime. However, while the representatives of Germany’s intellectual conservatism have come to accept the democratic status quo of the postwar period, the same can hardly be said about intellectual conservatism in Japan, despite the two countries’ similar modern histories. This article seeks to explain this puzzle by pointing to a lack of pressure to adapt and the resulting freedom allowing Japanese conservatives to take a peculiar and consistently negative view of the postwar system’s foundations, which they do not recognize as a new tradition worth building on, but rather a deplorable ideological import forced upon Japan. Based on those observations, the article makes a case for an autonomous intellectual conservatism."

"The dismissal of Constitutional Court Justice Aswanto and the appointment of Guntur Hamzah as his replacement by the DPR, ratified by the President, have sparked public outcry over alleged violations of the Constitutional Court’s (MK) independence. This study aims to analyze the phenomenon of democratic regression and the erosion of MK’s independence resulting from the replacement of Constitutional Court Justices in violation of the Constitutional Court Law. The study addresses two main research questions: First, how does the non-procedural replacement of Constitutional Court Justices contribute to democratic regression? Second, what are the implications of such non-procedural actions by the DPR on the independence of the Constitutional Court? This research employs a doctrinal legal method, analyzing relevant regulations and literature. The findings reveal that, first, the non-procedural replacement of Constitutional Court Justices constitutes a symptom of constitutional backsliding that poses significant risks to democratic governance. Second, the independence of the MK’s judicial authority has been increasingly marginalized due to the non-procedural dismissal and appointment of Constitutional Court Justices, ultimately distorting the principle of checks and balances.

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Pencopotan Hakim Konstitusi Aswanto dan pengangkatan Guntur Hamzah sebagai penggantinya oleh DPR, yang disahkan oleh Presiden, menuai kecaman publik atas dugaan pelanggaran terhadap independensi Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis fenomena kemunduran demokrasi serta dampak terhadap independensi MK akibat penggantian Hakim Konstitusi yang tidak sesuai dengan prosedur sebagaimana diatur dalam Undang-Undang MK. Penelitian ini mengangkat dua rumusan masalah utama: Pertama, bagaimana penggantian Hakim Konstitusi secara non-prosedural dapat memengaruhi kemunduran demokrasi? Kedua, apa implikasi penggantian nonprosedural Hakim MK oleh DPR terhadap independensi Mahkamah Konstitusi? Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum doktrinal dengan menganalisis peraturan perundang-undangan dan literatur yang relevan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa, pertama, penggantian Hakim Konstitusi yang tidak sesuai dengan prosedur Undang-Undang MK merupakan gejala kemunduran konstitusional yang berpotensi membahayakan tatanan demokrasi. Kedua, independensi kekuasaan peradilan MK semakin termarjinalkan akibat pengangkatan dan pemberhentian Hakim Konstitusi secara non-prosedural, yang pada akhirnya mendistorsi prinsip checks and balances."