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"Tesis ini menganalisis penyebab dan proses kemenangan Ansar Ahmad pada kompetisi pemilihan Gubernur Kepulauan Riau tahun 2020. Penelitian ini memberi kontribusi dengan mengajukan argumen baru yakni bagaimana basis legitimasi sosial yang dimiliki oleh dinasti politik berperan dalam kompetisi pilkada dan dapat mengalahkan petahana yang berasal dari dinasti politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori yang disebut Nishizaki (2004) sebagai identitas sosial positif. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam kepada narasumber penelitian, serta pengumpulan data sekunder berupa dokumen-dokumen terkait. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Ansar Ahmad memenangkan kompetisi pemilihan Gubernur Kepulauan Riau pada tahun 2020 karena mampu menciptakan identitas sosial positif bagi daerahnya dan mampu menjawab permasalahan yang menjadi narasi sosial kolektif sehingga membuat Ansar memiliki basis legitimasi sosial yang kuat di Kepulauan Riau. Namun berdasarkan penelitian, meskipun Ansar Ahmad memiliki basis legitimasi sosial yang kuat, basis legitimasi sosial tersebut tidak dapat membentuk dan menjamin keberhasilan dari anggota dinasti politik lainnya. Teori identitas sosial positif memberi sumbangan penting terhadap pembentukan simbol-simbol yang telah diciptakan Ansar Ahmad. Perbedaannya adalah dalam hal sumber daya produksi simbol, Nishizaki (2004) menjelaskan sumber produksi simbol dilakukan dengan menggunakan dana pribadi, memanfaatkan kelembagaan yang patrimonial, dan menjadi pengusaha politik. Sedangkan Ansar Ahmad memproduksi simbol-simbol melalui pemanfaatan SKPD, investor dan menjadi pengusaha politik dengan menggunakan pendanaan dari APBD, APBN, PAD dan investasi pihak swasta.......This thesis analyzes the causes and process of Ansar Ahmad's victory in the 2020 Kepulauan Riau Governor election competition. This research contributes by proposing a new argument, namely how the basis of social legitimacy owned by political dynasties plays a role in regional election competition and can defeat incumbents from political dynasties. This study uses a theory called Nishizaki (2004) as a positive social identity. Data collection techniques were carried out by in-depth interviews with research informants, as well as secondary data collection in the form of related documents. The results of this study indicate that Ansar Ahmad won the competition for the governor of Kepulauan Riau in 2020 because he was able to create a positive social identity for his region and was able to answer problems that became a collective social narrative, thus making Ansar have a strong social legitimacy base in Kepulauan Riau. However, based on this research, although Ansar Ahmad has a strong social legitimacy base, that social legitimacy basis cannot form and guarantee the success of members of other political dynasties. Positive social identity theory makes an important contribution to the formation of the symbols that Ansar Ahmad has created. The difference is in terms of symbol production resources, Nishizaki (2004) explains that the source of symbol production is done by using personal funds, utilizing patrimonial institutions, and becoming political entrepreneurs. Meanwhile, Ansar Ahmad produces symbols through the use of SKPD, investors and becomes a political entrepreneur using funding from the APBD, APBN, PAD and private investment."

"In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Vietnamese dynasties attempted to extend their reach to Vietnam’s northern uplands—one of the most important regions in the integration of the state. This study examines local governance in the northern uplands during the early Nguyễn period, through an analysis of official documents—particularly the report submitted by the governor-general of the northern provinces (tổng trấn Bắc Thành) in the tenth month of the tenth year of Gia Long (1811). During the eighteenth century, the Lê Dynasty (r. 1428–1527, 1533–1789) depended on local chieftains to administer tax collection and military service in each commune of the northern uplands. After occupying northern Vietnam, the Nguyễn Dynasty found it difficult to gather information on the local chieftains in the northern uplands. It was unable to allocate sufficient resources and manpower to gather this information. In addition, regional officials (such as the governor-general of the northern provinces) did not provide this information to the Nguyễn court, and only some local chieftains cooperated with the Nguyễn Dynasty. Until 1810, the number of chieftains who took on the responsibility of tax collection, drafting soldiers in each commune, and gathering information on the northern uplands—thus cooperating with the Nguyễn Dynasty’s local system of governance—was smaller than the number during the Lê Dynasty. In 1810 the Nguyễn court compiled a list of local chieftains in the northern uplands; this list included the chieftains’ names, the communes where they were registered, and the communes where they collected taxes and drafted soldiers. This indicates that the Nguyễn court attempted to govern the upland provinces by consolidating information on the chieftains. However, it was still difficult for the Nguyễn court to gain full information on the local chieftains since the governor-general of the northern provinces and provincial officials appointed them without reporting to the court. This continued until the Minh Mạng emperor’s (r. 1820–41) well-known reforms, including abolishing the post of governor-general of the northern provinces and the hereditary status of local chieftains. Thus, through examining the transitioning local governance in the northern uplands, this study clarifies the Nguyễn Dynasty’s difficulty in integrating the state during its early years."