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"This book traces the ideas and aspirations of the revolutionary generation in Ireland, from the 1890s to 1918, who dreamt of an independent Irish state and imagined how an Irish foreign policy might look. It follows attempts to put these ideas into practice during the campaign for Irish independence led by Sinn Fein, 1919-21, and examines how they evolved into the first Irish foreign policy during the first decade of the Irish Free State. Efforts focused on asserting the young Irish states independence as it pushed the boundaries of its British Commonwealth membership, contributed at the League of Nations and forged ties in Europe and America. Many of the ideas that still shape Irish foreign policy-small state and European country; honest broker and international good citizen; mother country with a disapora and bridge between Europe and America-are rooted in this period. A strong vein of internationalism runs through Irish nationalism; from the desire to pursue a policy based on values, to attempts to create an international rationale for independence and an understanding of the influence of public opinion, there is much that was modern about the Irish experience. This experience also shines a light on interwar European relations and how small states manage their affairs in a world system dominated by their larger neighbours. Drawing on a rich vein of archival sources and private papers, this book charts the beginnings of Irish foreign policy and the aspiration to be first of the small nations."

"Yeats, it has been claimed, invented a country and called it Ireland. His plays, poetry and prose record his life-long commitment to establishing new forms of individual and collective identity. Marjorie Howes's study is the first sustained attempt to examine Yeats's invention of Irishness through the most recent theoretical work on literature, gender and nationalism in postcolonial cultures. She explores the complex, often contradictory ways Yeats's politics are refracted through his writing. Yeats had a complicated relation to British imperialism and the English literary tradition, an intense but troubled commitment to Irish nationalism, and a fascination with the Anglo-Irish as a declining ruling class. As a Free State senator, he participated in Ireland's postcolonial project of nation-building; he also confronted his own isolation as a Protestant intellectual in a deeply Catholic country. The various Irish nations he invented, she claims, are intensely powerful imaginative responses to a period of violent historical change. By placing Yeats's politics and poetics at the centre of debates on nationalism and gender currently occupying critics in postcolonial studies, Howes reveals the contemporary cultural codes governing representations of class and gender embedded in the poet's concepts of nationality. Ironically, in Yeats's works, the unity of the Irish nation is embodied in the relationship between the Irish peasantry and the Anglo-Irish aristocracy, and excludes the Catholic middle classes. Every public proclamation on national destiny involves an intensely private scrutiny of gender and sexuality. This accessible and thorough study will appeal to all interested in Irish studies, postcolonial theory, and the relationship between nationalism and sexuality."

"The Anglo-Irish Union of 1800 which established the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland made British ministers in London more directly responsible for Irish affairs than had previously been the case. The Act did not, however, provide for full integration and left in existence a separate administration in Dublin under a Viceroy and a Chief Secretary. This created tensions that were never resolved. The relationship that ensued has generally been interpreted in terms of colonialism or post-colonialism, concepts not without their problems in relation to a country so geographically close to Britain and, indeed, so closely connected constitutionally. This book seeks to examine the Union relationship from a new and different perspective. In particular it argues that Londons policies towards Ireland in the period between the Union and the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 oscillated sharply between those based on a view of Ireland as so distant, different, and violent that (regardless of promises made in 1800) its goverment demanded peculiarly Hibernian policies of a coercive kind (c.1800-1830), those based on the premiss that stability was best achived by a broadly assimilationist approach, in effect attempting to make Ireland more like Britain (c.1830-1868), and finally by a return to policies of differentiation though often in less coercive ways than had been the case in the decades immediately after the Union (c.1868-1921) The outcome of this last policy of differentiation was a disposition (ultimately common to both main British political parties) to grant greater measures of devolution and ultimately of independence, a development finally rendered viable by the implementation of Irish partition in 1921-2. "

"Christine van Boheemen examines the relationship between Joyce's postmodern textuality and the traumatic history of colonialism in Ireland. Joyce's influence on Lacanian psychoanalysis and Derrida's philosophy, Van Boheemen suggests, ought to be viewed from a postcolonial perspective. Joyce's writing bears witness to a history that remains unspeakable, functioning as a material location for the inner voice of Irish cultural memory. This book engages with a wide range of contemporary critical theory and brings Joyce's work into dialogue with thinkers such as Zizek, Adorno, Lyotard, as well as feminism and postcolonial theory."