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"ABSTRAKThis article traces the major contestations that have taken place in Sabah and Sarawak throughout the 54 years of their independence. The two major areas of contestation are state power and local resources, pitting federal leaders against Sabah and Sarawaks elites. These contestations have forced the federal government to accommodate the local elites, thus ensuring the stability of Barisan Nasional (BN) rule in the East Malaysian states. However, Sabah and Sarawak elites are not homogeneous since they have different degrees of power, agendas, and aspirations. These differences have led to open feuds between the elites, resulting in the collapse of political parties and the formation of new political alignments. Over almost four decades, a great majority of the people in Sabah and Sarawak have acceded to BN rule. However, in the last decade there have been pockets of resistance against the authoritarian rule of BN and the local elites. This article argues that without accountability and a system of checks and balances, the demand for more autonomy by the increasingly vocal Sabah and Sarawak elites will benefit only them and not the general public."

"Skripsi ini membahas tentang gerakan sosial yang terjadi di Bolivia khususnya yang berkembang dan membesar dari tahun 1985 sampai dengan 2006. Gerakan sosial yang terjadi semakin membesar seiring kebijakan pemerintah sebagai bentuk dari perubahan politik yang terjadi di Bolivia yang dianggap membawa dampak buruk bagi rakyat Bolivia. Pembasmian ladang koka dan kebijakan ekonomi baru melalui privatisasi (air dan hidrokarbon) menjadi faktor yang membuat perlawanan rakyat Bolivia tumbuh dan membesar. Bentuk perlawanan rakyat Bolivia menjadi unik ketika gerakan sosial dapat dikatakan berhasil menjatuhkan kekuasaan yang telah mapan (dalam skripsi mengacu pada neoliberalisme). Proses keberhasilan gerakan sosial akan menjadi tujuan akhir penulis untuk memaparkan sekaligus menjelaskan fenomena yang terjadi di Bolivia. Indikator akhir keberhasilan gerakan sosial tidak terlepas dari peran MAS dan Morales, yang mengambil perubahan politik bergeser ke "kiri" dengan menggunakan teori hegemoni Gramsci.

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This thesis discusses about social movements in Bolivia especially that developed and expand from 1985 to 2006. The social movement that more expand along government policy that perform of political change in Bolivia that assumed bringing a negative impact for the Bolivian. Eradication coca and new economic policy with privatization (water and Hydrocarbon) became a factor that make the struggle of the Bolivian rise and expand. The struggle of people be unique when social movement can be said successfully makes the government power is fallen (in this thesis is focused to neoliberalism). The success of the social movements will be the objectives of the writers to flatten and explain the phenomenon in Bolivia. The success of the social movements indicators can not quit from MAS and Morales, they took political change to the left ideology and Gramscian?s Hegemony theory."

"This paper considers the implication of Hannah Arendt's criticism of the relationship between violence and politics. For some political theorists and philosophers, it is taken for granted, that violence and politics are inextriacably intertwined. For Arendt, it is crucial to keep the two the two clearly and distinctly aapart. After arguing for a tripartite division between the human the human activities of labor, work and action, Arendt identifies the politics as the part of action and the violence as the part of labor and work. This is the way Arendt argues to keep the politics and the violence clearly apart."

"This research is aimed at discovering the differences of the awareness : (1) to share some opinion, (2) of the freedom to organize, (3) of the freedom to participate (4) of the citizen equality, (5) the trust to others, (6) to cooporate to others, between the civil education class students lectured with discussion - model and those taugh in a conventional model...."

"pemicu lemahnya kinerja dan moralitas politisi kita karena hadirnya logika bisnis dalam proses kandidasi dan pengakaran partai politik. uang seolah menjadi instrumen tunggal untuk membesarkan partai dan memperoleh banyak pemilih. bingkai ini mempengaruhi pemilihan sumber-sumber kandidat politisi dan kualitas ikatan dengan pemilih. hal ini juga diperparah oleh adanya politik "sandera" pada pengawas pemilu yang dilakukan oleh politisi demi memuluskan langkahnya bermain uang dalam suksesi. fakta pemilu 2004 dan 2009 justru menunjukkan bahwa banyaknya uang tidak menjamin daya saing kandidat dan partai politik. partai relatif baru dan pendanaannya terbatas mampu bersaing bahakan menyalip perolehan suara partai tua dan berkecukupan dana. karena itu, partai politik dan politisi harus meninjau ulang praktek politiknya agar terhindar dari politik biaya tinggi dengan hasil yang mengecewakan. untuk menuju kesana maka penting melakukan reformasi keuangan partai politik melalui revitalisasi poliitik keseharian partai, diversifikasi sumber pembiayaan partai politik dan penguatan lembaga pengawas pemilu."