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"Tesis ini membahas teori pembangunan Dunia Ketiga yang dikaitkan dengan isu transformasi agraria di Indonesia secara kritis melalui interpretive method dalam penelitian kualitatif. Alur penelitian dalam tesis ini memadukan pemikiran dari Escobar (1985, 1988) dan Fakih (2009) mengenai mekanisme pendistribusian power/knowledge Blok Kapitalis dalam proyek pembangunan secara lokal di Indonesia. Temuan studi menunjukkan bahwa proyek pembangunan Dunia Ketiga merupakan strategi Blok Kapitalis untuk mempertahankan dominasinya dalam rezim internasional. Strategi tersebut mendukung penetrasi model produksi kapitalis, sehingga dapat eksis dan bertahan dalam transformasi agraria di Indonesia. Eksistensi kapitalisme dimanifestasikan dalam rekayasa sosial berupa Revolusi Hijau dan Pasar Tanah yang mengesampingkan visi kesejahteraan yang adil dan beradab karena senantiasa mengutamakan target akumulasi kapital yang hanya berorientasi pada hasil dan pendapatan dalam setiap proyek pembangunan pada era neokolonialisme.

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This thesis discusses the Third World Development theory which is critically associated with the agrarian transformation issue in Indonesia through interpretive methods in qualitative research. Escobar (1985, 1988) and Fakih (2009) thinking about the mechanism for distributing the Capitalist?s ?local centers of power knowledge? in Indonesia became the main approach in analyzing. This research found and indicated that the Third World development projects are the Capitalists strategy to stabilizing their hegemonic discourse in international regime. This strategy supports the penetration of capitalist mode of production, so it can exist and persist in the agrarian transformation which becomes one of many social realities of development projects in Indonesia. Capitalism existence embodied in social engineering as in Green Revolution and Land Markets which ruled out the vision of Just and Civilized Humanity is because it consistently prioritizes the capital accumulated target of every development project in neocolonialism era."

"Mecca of Revolution examines the history of anticolonial internationalism, or Third Worldism, through the prism of Algerias decolonization and the international relations of independent Algeria. It argues that the Third World movement evolved from a subversive transnational phenomenon in the late-colonial era into a diplomatic collaboration among postcolonial elites to exalt state sovereignty and national authority. Its examination of international affairs places equal, or even greater, emphasis on South-South relations than the more typical North-South perspective. New evidence from the archives of Algeria, Yugoslavia, and numerous other countries demystifies the Third Worldist phenomenon. The book looks past the rhetoric of Bandung, nonalignment, and Afro-Asianism to analyze the nascent geopolitics of postcolonial Africa, the Middle East, and the Southern Hemisphere as a whole. Refuting the notion that the Third World project ended in failure, Mecca of Revolution reveals the development of a Third Worldist normative framework that shapes global affairs in the early twenty-first century, its import felt in matters as diverse as the Arab Spring revolutions, nuclear proliferation, and global trade negotiations. It also argues that the most important effect of the Cold War in the Southern Hemisphere was to push the process of decolonization toward its eventual state-centric outcome. In that regard, the Algerian case shows that the industrialized worlds new methods of political mobilization (such as Wilsonian diplomacy and Marxist-Leninist revolution) were much more influential in the postcolonial world than were the underlying ideologies that informed those methods."

"During the cold war, the superpowers endeavored to win hearts and minds through what came to be called public diplomacy. Many of the target audiences were on the front lines in Europe. But other, larger ones resided in areas outside Europe, in the throes of decolonization and poverty. Among these lands, for all the drama of war, intervention, and revolution, the majority experienced the cold war as public diplomacy, as a media war for their allegiance rather than as a violent war for their lives. In these areas, superpower public diplomacy encountered issues of race, empire, poverty, and decolonization, all in flux as they intersected with the cold war, and with long-running anti-imperialist currents. The challenge to US public diplomacy was acute, as the image of the United States was inseparable from Jim Crow and from Washingtons European alliances. Yet the greater consequence of these campaigns was not for American diplomacy, but rather for postwar international history, when the non-European world responded to this media war by joining it. Newly independent voices launched public diplomacy campaigns of their own, making for a crowded field. In addition to validating the strategic importance of public diplomacy, this proliferation of voices articulated a different vision. Reappropriating the space left between the poles of the superpower conflict, this global conversation formulated the Third World project around a nucleus of nonalignment, development, and anticolonial racial solidarity. The Global South response to the Cold War thereby helped to coalesce the third world as a transnational imagined community."