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"ABSTRAKTulisan ini merupakan hasil penelitian yang bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan makna simbolik dan dinamika perkembangan pakaian adat suku Toraja yang ada di Sulawesi Selatan. Pakaian adat suku Toraja berdasarkan fungsi penggunaannya terbagi dua yaitu pakaian sehari-hari dan pakaian upacara adat. Pakaian untuk wanita Toraja yaitu baju pokko dan do'doan laki-laki memakai celana seppa tallung buju dan sambu. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif, teknik pengumpulan data melalui pengamatan, wawancara, dan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian yang mengungkapkan bahwa pakaian adat suku Toraja beserta perhiasan yang dikenakan memiliki makna yang simbolik yang melambangkan stratifikasi sosial orang yang memakainya. Warna cerah dipakai pada upacara syukuran atau Rambu Tuka dan warna hitam dipakai pada upacara kedukaan atau Rambu Solo. Dalam perkembangannya pakaian adat Toraja mengalami pergeseran nilai dan fungsi pada penggunaannya. Perubahan tampak pada pakaian adat pengantin Toraja, yang mengalami perubahan pada bahan yang digunakan, maupun model yang sudah mengikuti trend mode zaman sekarang."

"Jejak kesejarahan masyarakat etnis Toraja di Kota Makassar dan strategi pembentukan identitas diasporanya, salah satunya dapat dilacak melalui kehadiran ruang Kampung Rama. Nama ‘Rama’ acap dikaitkan dengan beberapa akronim yakni Toraja-Makassar, Rantepao-Makale yang merupakan nama dua ibukota Kabupaten Toraja, dan nama salah satu kota di Israel yang diambil dari narasi kitab suci umat Kristen, Alkitab. Penelitian ini menganalisa kontestasi pemaknaan pada narasi nama Kampung Rama dalam mengkonstruksi identitas dan ingatan kolektif masyarakat diaspora Toraja di Kota Makassar. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk melihat konstruksi ideologis dan relasi kuasa yang bermain dalam penamaan Kampung Rama melalui pendekatan toponimi kritis, identitas, dan memori kolektif dari aktor-aktor yang terlibat dalam prosesnya. Data penelitian didapatkan dari hasil wawancara dan obervasi partisipasi pada lingkungan Kampung Rama. Penelitian menunjukkan ketiga narasi penamaan menghadirkan kompleksitas pemaknaan bagi masyarakat, baik dari dalam maupun dari luar wilayah tersebut yang berkelindan dengan identitas migran Toraja pada lanskap Kota Makassar. Pemaknaan dan narasi nama tersebut dikonstruksi oleh aktor-aktor yang memiliki kepentingan politis, ekonomis, dan ideologis, seperti; Gereja Toraja Jemaat Rama, pemerintah, dan masyarakat Makassar yang berada di luar wilayah tersebut. Penelitian menemukan keragaman identitas, peliyanan, jaringan relasi kuasa yang hierarkis, serta strategi penyesuain diri dan unifikasi migran Toraja pada wilayah ini maupun terhadap masyarakat kota Makassar secara umum.

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The migration history of the Toraja in Makassar, the their present mobility and the way the Toraja in Makassar construct their diasporic identities can be traced in the very name of a Torajan village in the heart of the city of Makassar, Kampung Rama. The word “Rama” designates different meanings for different segments of population, within the village and the city of Makassar. The word Rama stands for Toraja-Makassar, thus signifying the relations between the two ethnic groups. For some Torajans in the village and Makassar, the word Rama stands for Rantepao-Makale, the capitals of two main districts in Toraja. The third and most pervasive meaning amongst the Christian elites in the village, however, is biblical, a reference to a city in Israel. This article investigates the way different interpretations of the same name, Rama, reflects not only different strategies of positioning the Toraja diaspora within the city of Makassar, but also internal differences within the community in constructing their identity and their collective memory. Through ethnographic method, namely interviews and participation observation, the researchers map and categorizes the way different actors: Church elites, government officials, inhabitants of Kampung Rama and outsiders construct their narratives about Kampung Rama. Different interpretation of the name also reveals positionality within the history of migration (between old and new settlers), and also social structures (educated, Church elite and the lower classes), the ones originating from the two main districts in the homeland and those from less visible villages, and the role of government in promoting “Little Toraja” tourism. The findings reveal diversity within the migrant communities, and layers of othering, hierarchical structures with its power relations, as well as strategies in creating unity within and with the Makasarese."

"Inhoud : A. De bare'e-taal te midden harer verwanten1. Het gebied der Toradja'sche talen2. Bizonderheden omtrent de Bare'etaal3. Bizondere taal In het Bare'e4. Het Bare'e als Toradja'sche taal 5. Bizonderheden omtrent de taalgroepen op den vasten wal van Celebes en de Kusteilanden die hct gebied der Bare'e-taal omgeven6. Aanhangsel7. Verklaring der Taalkaart van CelebesB. De letterkunde der bare'e-taal1. Inleiding2. De proza letterkunde3. De poetische letterkunde"

"Dit boek beschrijft in detail over de gewoonten en tradities van de mensen van de Toraja, Zuid-Sulawesi (Celebes)."

"ABSTRACTThis dissertation discusses tau-tau as one of the funeral equipment (mmbu solo?) forthe Torajan noble society (lana' bulaan). Tau-tau is a ?statue? of a deceased person.There are 3 kinds of tau-tau: tau-tau nangka', tau-tau lampa?, and batelepong. After afuneral, only tau-tau nangka is placed on top of a cliff, alongside other previous tau-taunangira, while tau-tau lampa and batelepong are thrown to the shrubs.At first, tau-tau was worshiped and mourned by the Aluk to Dolo Torajan family andcommunity, but as the Torajan people left the Aluk to Dolo belief and most changetheir belief to Christiani or some change to Islam, tau-tau is no longer worshiped andmourned, but used to maintain and reinforce nobility. Therefore, tau-tau Aluk to Dolorituals are modified according to the belief of a family who practice the ritual.The phenomenon mentioned above is a general picture and a small part of tau-tau'sexistence and rituals in the past to present. Therefore, it is interesting to study it further;although Aluk to Dolo belief is gradually left behind by the Torajan people, almost allthe principles are still practiced in various rituals, to maintain custom and tradition inTorajan.This research's question is how the Torajan community conducts funeral where tau-tauis still made as a symbol of Torajan's nobility (although they do not practice Aluk toDolo), and the use of it in social life and rambu solo'ritual which are conducted byTorajan Aluk to Dolo community and modern Torajan community.This research uses Radcliffe-Brown's structure and function concept (1952), Durkheim(1954), Turner (1957, 1974), who suggest that religion reflects the structure of a socialsystem, and functions to maintain the system throughout time. Structure and function concept sees the community as a system of social structures. Structure in this case isreal pattems of relations or interactions among various social components - pattemswhich relatively last longer because those interactions occur in an approximatelyorganized way (Saifuddin, 2009. The function of religion is an effort to strengthen andreaffirm social solidarity, and as something that has a signilicant symbol to a group orcommunity. The existence of tau-tau?s function and meaning which continuouslychanged and modified (no longer suitable with Aluk to Dolo), is an indication that thetau-tau they made no longer has a sacred meaning.Findings in this research are: 1) Tau-tau is a personification, regarded as a reincarnationand the residence of the deccased?s spirit after a series of Aluk to Dolo ceremonies.Tau-tau is accepted as a depiction of the deceased, not only shaped by association ofcostume and ritual which affirms tau-tau as a ?reincarnation? of the deceased, but alsocaused by the positive response from Torajan conununity which submits to and acceptsthe lau-tau and considers it resembles, even similar to the deceased. This made tau-tauis highly respected and worshiped by the family and Torajan community in general, asif the person is still alive. 2) Tau-tau represents nobility. This is because the making oftau-tau is based on social stratification in Aluk to Dolo, which is still held firmly byToraja community up until now. Tau-tau as a representation of nobility also shows inhow attributes, costume, and how the costume is worn by tau-tau. For example, theheadband (passapu) on men, chignon (simbolon) on women, clothes (bayu), knee-length trousers (seppa tallu buku), sarong (dodo), puch to store betel and nut (sepu).In daily life, only noble society is allowed to wear the costume, while common peopleare not allowed to.Conclusion: The outcome of this research shows that the production of tau-tau as oneof the funeral equipments in Toraja?s noble families up to this day, has a close relationto an elfort of reaffirmation and reconfirmation in group solidarity, and has a significantsymbol in the families' social status in many ways, particularly in ceremonies where it isvery respected by the Toraja community. The existence of tau-tau in a Toraja's noblefamily funeral was a part of a religious ritual, Aluk to Dolo. Therefore, it is not easy fora noble to remove a habit of making a tau-tau or a statue portraying a deceased person,even though they have left Aluk to Dolo belief.Therefore, there are different kinds of tau-tau that consist of: 1) Original tau-tau (tau-tau Aluk to Dolo). It has a simple shape, not proportional, and entirely different fromthe deceased, placed at the funeral site, a spirit is believed to reside in the tau-tau, andis sacred. 2) Realistic tau-tau (Christian tau-tau). ldeal in shape and proportion, andresembles the deceased, placed at the funeral site, and profane. 3) Portrait statue. Theshape, proportion and its style consider more on the artistic value to replicate thedeceased, and placed in houses as an artwork. 4) Souvenir tau-tau. Made with variousshapes, sizes, and materials, and sold around the funeral site and souvenir stores inRantepao and Makale."

"Sastra sebagai cerminan kondisi masyarakat tidak dapat dipisahkan dari kebudayaan. Saat ini ada banyak karya sastra yang mengangkat kebudayaan dalam sastra dengan tema kedaerahan. Salah satunya adalah cerpen “Rambu Solo’” karya Sulfiza Ariska. Cerpen tersebut mampu memberikan gambaran yang baik mengenai upacara Rambu Solo’ sebagai kebudayaan masyarakat Toraja yang masih dilakukan hingga saat ini. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan warna lokal dan representasi sistem kepercayaan aluk todolo masyarakat Toraja dalam cerpen “Rambu Solo’” karya Sulfiza Ariska. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif dengan pendekatan sosiologi sastra. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa cerpen “Rambu Solo’” karya Sulfiza Ariska memuat beberapa hal terkait warna lokal. Pertama, adanya penggunaan nama diri yang mengacu pada hari dan tempat kelahiran, serta bentuk panggilan yang digunakan masyarakat Toraja. Kedua, cerpen “Rambu Solo’” bertema proses perjuangan keluarga Raiya untuk menyelenggarakan upacara Rambu Solo’ bagi Ambe. Ketiga, latar tempat dalam cerpen adalah Tongkonan, sumbung, dan dapur. Selain itu, warna lokal juga ditunjukkan dengan adanya motivasi masyarakat Toraja saat mempersembahkan hewan ternak dalam Rambu Solo’, mata pencarian, prosesi pemakaman dalam Rambu Solo’, dan makna ukiran bagi masyarakat Toraja. Representasi sistem kepercayaan aluk todolo dalam cerpen “Rambu Solo’” dihadirkan melalui adanya objek penyembahan, pokok ajaran aluk, dan hukum dalam aluk todolo.

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Literature as a reflection of the condition of society cannot be separated from culture. Currently there are many literary works that raise culture in literature with regional themes. One of them is the short story “Rambu Solo’” by Sulfiza Ariska. The short story is able to provide a good picture of the ceremony Rambu Solo’ as a Toraja culture which is still practiced today. This study aims to explain the local color and representation of the belief system of aluk todolo people of Toraja in the short story “Rambu Solo’” by Sulfiza Ariska. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with a sociology of literature approach. The results showed that the short story “Rambu Solo’” by Sulfiza Ariska contained three things related to local colors. First, there is the use of self-names that refer to the day and place of birth, as well as the form of calling used by the Toraja people. The short story “Rambu Solo’” is themed on the process of the Raiya family's struggle to hold a ceremony Rambu Solo’ for Ambe. Second, the setting in the short story is Tongkonan, sumbung, and the kitchen. Third, the local color is also shown by the motivation of the Toraja people when offering livestock in the ceremony Rambu Solo’, livelihood, funeral processions in the ceremony Rambu Solo’, and the meaning of carving for the Toraja people. Representation belief system aluk todolo in the short story “Rambu Solo’” presented through their object of worship, the basic teachings of aluk and the law in aluk todolo."