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"Tesis ini membahas bagaimana upaya perlawanan melalui gerakan SayaGolput dalam konteks momentum politik 2019. Penelitian ini menggunakan konseptual contentious politics dan mobilisasi collective action. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian studi kasus. Pengambilan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam terhadap informan kunci yaitu aktor-aktor gerakan SayaGolput. Hasil penelitian ini beberapa faktor yang mendorong kemunculan SayaGolput, pertama, demokrasi sosial dan politik belum dijalankan sepenuhnya. Kedua, Kedua, kekecewaan terhadap pendukung Jokowi terhadap keputusan diusungnya Maruf Amin menjadi cawapres. Ketiga, beberapa kalangan melihat iklim demokrasi yang sudah dijalankan bertumpu pada kepentingan borjuasi. Keempat, ketidakpercayaan terhadap pemilu dan segala bentuk hierarki. SayaGolput sebagai aliansi yang cair dan dinamis. SayaGolput gabungan aktivis lintas sektor dan ideologis. SayaGolput sebagai titik temu dan kompromi aktor-aktor gerakan yang mengalami kebuntuan dalam upayanya memajukan advokasi-advokasi yang ada. Pada temuan di lapangan ketiga elemen subjek (aktor gerakan), klaim (publik) dan objek (petahana dan elite) terjadi persinggungan yang dinamis. Subjek melihat sepuluh agenda perjuangan merupakan problem yang menjadi titik tolak gerakan. Agenda pejuangan kerakyatan ditujukan sebagai klaim untuk mempersuasi massa. Mobilisasi SayaGolput mendapatkan perlawanan dari objek, yang diinisiasi oleh kalangan petahana dan pendukungnya. Pertarungan politik (contentious politics) tergambarkan dalam pembentukan wacana terkait golput utamanya perang narasi di media sosial. Mobilisasi sumber daya yang timpang membuat kubu petahana dapat mengontrol pembentukan opini. Media sosial dikapitalisasi menjadi alat pengorganisiran dalam SayaGolput. Hal tersebut menjadi anomali pada teori gerakan sosial Charles Tilly.

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This thesis discusses how the efforts of resistance through the SayaGolput movement in the context of 2019 political momentum. This study uses conceptual contentious politics and mobilization of collective action. This study uses a qualitative approach with the type of case study research. Data collection was done by in-depth interviews with key informants namely SayaGolput movement actors. The results of this study are several factors that led to the emergence of SayaGolput, first, social and political democracy has not been fully implemented. Second, the frustration of Jokowis supporters over the decision that Maruf Amin brought to be vice president. Third, some circles see the already democratic climate centered on the interests of the bourgeoisie. Fourth, distrust of elections and all forms of hierarchy. SayaGolput as a liquid and dynamic alliance movement. SayaGolput movement is combination of cross-sector and ideological activists. SayaGolput as a meeting point and compromise of movement actors who are at a standstill in their efforts to advance existing advocacies. In the findings in the field of the three elements of the subject (movement actors), claims (public) and objects (incumbent and elite) there is a dynamic conflict. The subject sees the ten agendas of struggle as a problem that is the starting point of the movement. The peoples struggle agenda is intended as a claim to appease the masses. SayaGolput mobilization gets resistance from the object, which is initiated by the tenants and their supporters. Political fight (contentious politics) is illustrated in the formation of the discourse regarding the war abstentions main narrative in social media. Accelerated mobilization of resources makes the camp of camps able to control the formation of opinions. Social media is capitalized on as an organizing tool in SayaGolput. This is an anomaly in Charles Tillys theory of social movement. "

"ABSTRAKTulisan ini membahas Gereja Katolik Roma ldquo;Gereja rdquo; sebagai aktor dalam ilmu Hubungan Internasional. Dengan mempergunakan metode studi kasus jamak, penelitian ini mengamati dinamika perlawanan global Gereja terhadap International Humanist and Ethical Union ldquo;IHEU rdquo; di tiga negara. Perlawanan yang terjadi bersumber dari kontestasi gagasan antara kedua aktor tersebut dalam isu-isu perceraian di Chile, kontrasepsi di Filipina, dan eutanasia di Inggris. Berdasarkan temuan pada penelitian ini, Gereja semesta melakukan perlawanan politik terhadap pengaruh IHEU dan agen-agen Humanisme tanpa melakukan mobilisasi terbuka, melainkan melalui jejaring gereja setempat yang dimilikinya. Gereja semesta tidak dapat mengadakan perlawanan politik terbuka karena terikat oleh Perjanjian Westphalia dan Perjanjian Lateran. Dengan mempergunakan sistem rantai komando yang kuat, Vatikan sebagai puncak otoritas gerejani mampu menggerakkan jejaring gereja lokal di bawah hierarkinya, termasuk untuk meresponi kebangkitan Humanisme.

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ABSTRACTThis paper assesses the Roman Catholic Church ldquo the Church rdquo as a political actor in International Relations. By employing multi locus case study, this research observed the dynamics of political contention between the Church and International Humanist and Ethical Union IHEU in three countries. The contention revolves around the ideational contests between the two actors, in issues ranging from divorce in Chile, contraception in the Philippines, to euthanasia in England. This research found that the universal Church is unable to directly conduct en masse open mobilisation in order to oppose the rise of global Humanist movement led by IHEU, due to prior Treaties of Westphalia and Lateran. As such, the Church has to be more clandestine, that is by employing her extensive network of local churches. By using her well established internal chain of command, the Vatican as the highest ecclesiastical authority within the Church rsquo s system, is capable of ensuring dogmatic compliance down the hierarchy, including in how they should react towards the rise of Humanism."

"For decades, Algeria has been depicted as an inaccessible, opaque, rentier state and under the control of secret intelligence agencies and inaccessible cartels and clans. While that analysis is partly true, this book contends that the analytical emphasis on opacity risks missing how much the country has changed since the 1990s: the new transparency of the interest groups that govern the country; the competing notions of economic development within key financial institutions; the impact of non-revolutionary contentious politics; the micro-politics of the changing attitudes of the countrys urban youth; the growth of moderate Islamist party politics; the changing notions of security held by the armed forces; and the dislocation of rebellion towards the South. Across ten chapters, the book demonstrates that Algeria under Abdelaziz Bouteflika remains complex and challenging to understand, but that it is no longer opaque and inaccessible."

"Tugas akhir ini membahas mengenai pola relasi antara negara dan oposisi non-sistemik dari perseteruan politik yang terjadi di Rusia dalam kurun waktu 2017 hingga 2019. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif yang bersifat eksplanatif. Teori contentious politics yang dipadu dengan model sumbu motivasi dan perilaku menjadi alat analisis penelitian ini yang mencoba mengkaji bagaimana perseteruanpolitik yang terjadi di Rusia pada tahun 2017 hingga 2019 membentuk pola relasi antara negara dan oposisi non-sistemik. Melalui pendekatan Synthetic Political Opportunity Theory (SPOT) yang berada dalam teori contentious politics, penelitian ini mengkaji secara mendalam masing-masing kekuatan negara dan oposisi nonsistemik yang diidentifikasi memiliki pengaruh dengan berlangsungnya perseteruan politik yang terjadi dan penggunaan model sumbu motivasi dan perilaku untuk mengidentifikasi pola relasi negara dan oposisi non-sistemik dari perseteruan politik tersebut.

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This paper discusses about the pattern of relations between state and nonsystemic opposition through the contentious politics that occurred in Russia in the period 2017 to 2019. This study uses qualitative methods. With the help of the broadened contentious politics theory that include motivational and behavioral axes, this research examines how the political dispute that occurred in Russia in 2017 to 2019 made patterns of relations between countries and non-systemic opposition.

Through the approach of Synthetic Political Opportunity Theory (SPOT) which is in accordance with the contentious politics theory, this study examines thoroughly each power that state and non-systemic opposition had that predispose the occurrence of the dispute and the inclusion of behavioral and motivasional axes gives allows the researcher to examine and identify the relationship pattern between state and nonsystemic opposition."