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Aria TM Wibisono
Jakarta: UI-Press, 2010
320.959 8 ARI p
Buku Teks SO  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Mohamad Subhan
"Disertasi ini menganalisis rivalitas elite dalam konflik etno-religius yang timbuul saat pemekaran daerah di Mamasa, Sulawesi Barat. Pada 2002, sebagai bagian dari kerangka besar kebijakan otonomi, Mamasa menjadi daerah otonom, dimekarkan dari Kabupaten Polmas. Dalam pelaksanaannya muncul perbedaan antara kelompok pro dan kelompok kontra pemekaran. Rivalitas kelompok pro versus kelompok kontra semakin runyam karena merepresentasikan kontestasi antara kabupaten induk versus kabupaten pemekaran Kabupaten Polmas mendukung kelompok kontra yang ingin tetap bergabung dengan kabupaten induk. Sebaliknya Kabupaten Mamasa memberi dukungan kepada kelompok pro. Rivalitas dua kelompok tersebut menimbulkan kekacauan dalam sistem pemerintahan karena terjadi dualisme pemerintahan, yang membuat penyelenggaraan pemerintahan tidak berjalan normal sehingga mengganggu pelayanan publik.
Penelitian disertasi ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Data lapangan diperoleh melalui teknik wawancara mendalam, observasi lapangan, dan data sekunder. Berbagai studi menunjukkan bahwa otonomi dapat memicu konflik karena persaingan elite dalam perebutan posisi-posisi politik, sumber daya ekonomi, dan ruang kekuasaan lainnya. Namun, berbeda dengan studi-studi literatur sebelumnya yang lebih bertumpu pada konflik politik atau konflik etnik, penelitian ini menunjukkan politisasi identitas etno-religius sebagai instrumen yang menimbulkan konflik antara dua etnik berbeda agama, Mandar-Islam versus Toraja-Kristen. Pemekaran daerah mengubah konstelasi dominasi sosio-politik. Mandar-Islam yang mayoritas berubah menjadi minoritas, sebaliknya Toraja-Kristen yang tadinya minoritas menjadi mayoritas.
Rivalitas elite memperebutkan ruang kekuasaan di daerah otonom baru dengan menggunakan politik identitas yaitu sentimen identitas etno-religius berdasar perubahan konstelasi dominasi dan hegemoni sosio-politik di Mamasa. Akibatnya, orang Mandar-Islam (orang PUS) menolak pemekaran yang dianggap sebagai bentuk proyek Kristenisasi. Menurut Fox (1999), apabila kerangka religius yang ditantang maka responnya adalah sikap defensif yang cenderung konflik. Sebab, agama menyangkut sistem kepercayaan yang mengandung ketaatan pada nilai-nilai, memiliki standar dan tata aturan, membangun kohesivitas di antara penganutnya, sekaligus melegitimasi setiap tindakan para aktornya.

Pemekaran daerah which literally means territorial split or administrative fragmentation whereby new provinces and districts are created by dividing existing ones and which ironically strengthens the sense of identity based on race, ethnic group, religion, and other communal identity is one that triggers such conflicts. This study discusses the rivalry of the elites in the ethno-religious conflicts that erupted during the process of territorial split of Mamasa district of West Sulawesi, Indonesia, in 2002. Mamasa, which was once part of the mother district of Polmas, was established into an autonomous district. Not only was the district divided but people in this region also had differing opinion on the idea of territorial split. Supporters of the administrative fragmentation were dubbed pro while opponents were called kontra. The conflict between the two factions had escalated because the conflict itselt was also the representation of conflict between the mother district and the newly-established district. The government of Polmas ditrict was with the kontra while the government of Mamasa gave their full support for the pro. The rivalry between the two parties had brought chaos to the government system. The government was divided (government dualism).
This research uses qualitative method. The data were collected through in-depth interviews, field observations, and secondary data. Studies reveal that autonomy is the potential cause of conflicts because it allows for competition among the contending elites who fight for political positions, economic resources, and other aspects of power. Unlike previous literature studies that put an emphasis on political conflicts and ethnic conflicts, this research focuses on ethno-religious conflicts involving two contending ethnic groups practicing two different religions: the Mandar who are predominantly Muslims and the Toraja who are Christians. The territorial split has indeed changed the socio-political constellation. The Mandar who was once the dominant ethnic group is now a minority and the Toraja have now become the dominant ethnic group.
The competition among elites in the newly-established autonomous district by using the sentiment of ethno-religious identity has changed the constellation of socio-political hegemony and domination in Mamasa. As a result, the Muslim-Mandar (the PUS people) voiced their opposition to the territorial split which they consider part of Christian mission. Fox (1999) states that when a religious framework is challenged, the response will be the defensive action that is prone to conflict. This is due to the fact that religion is a belief system that organizes adherents to the values, has standards and norms, builds cohesiveness among its followers, and legitimate the actors."
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2018
D2811
UI - Disertasi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Andrias Darmayadi
"Elit adalah orang-orang pilihan yang mempunyai kecakapan dan kapasitas untuk memimpin dan menjalankan kontrol politik. Elit juga merupakan kelompok kecil yang menentukan arah kehidupan negara. Besarnya tuntutan terhadaap peranan elit untuk dapat mentransformasikan nilai-nilai ideal dalam masyarakat menjadi kenyataan empiris terutama dalam negara yang menganut demokrasi dan dengan kultur partai politik yang kuat seperti Indonesia, adalah suatu kewajiban bagi partai politik untuk dapat memilih dan menempatkan kadernya secara selektif.Oleh sebab itu mekanisme rekruitmen elit menjadi salah satu faktor terpenting dalam proses pembentukan pemerintahan yang aspiratif.
Pemilihan Umum tahun 1999 menghasilkan PDI Perjuangan sebagai pemenang dengan raihan 33,7 % suara, kenyataan inipun berimbas pada daerah Kota Bandung yang berhasil meraih kursi mayoritas di DPRD Tingkat II. Penelitian terhadap proses mekanisme rekruimen elit pada PDI Perjuangan Kota Bandung merupakan pokok permasalahan yang dianalisa dalam tesis Pendekatan metodologis yang dilakukan dalam mengidentifikasi serta membahas permasalahan ini adalah dengan menggunakan pendekatan penelitian kualitatif, yang mengutamakan pencarian informan yang menguasai permasalahan secara mendalam.
Dalam penelitian ini dikedepankan teori-teori partai politik, sistem pemilihan umum serta teori elit dan teori rekruitmen elit, sebagai kerangka berfikir yang membantu dalam menganalisa hasil-hasil temuan penelitian di lapangan. Dengan adanya kerangka teori, dapat dikorelasikan antara fakta lapangan yang didapat dan melihat apakah terdapat kesenjangan antara teori dengan fakta lapangan yang ditemukan.
Dari hasil penelitian yang didapat dalam - mekanisme rekruitmen elit PDI Perjuangan, PDI Perjuangan tidak mempunyai standar acuan, sehingga untuk mekanisme rekruitmen di daerah mekanismenya merupakan wewenang daerah, baik menemukan nama calon maupun dalam penentuan nomor unit calon. Tanpa adanya standar acuan dari DPP, DPC PDI Perjuangan Kota Bandung membentuk Tim Sembilan sebagai pihak yang akan bertanggung jawab dalam mekanisme rekruitmen elit. Pertimbangan mengenai Achievement (prestasi) dan kaderisasi belum menjadi pertimbangan utama dalam mekanisme rekruitrnent elit. Pertimbangan dari sisi askriptif dan pola patron klien justru lebih mengedepan dalam mekanise rekuitmen elit, di dalam politik modern saat ini yang seharusnya mulai meminimalisir kriteria-kriteria tersebut.
Dari hasil-hasil temuan penelitian, terdapat beberapa kesimpulan dalam penelitian ini, yaitu perlu adanya acuan yang jelas dari DPP PDI Perjuangan mengenai mekanisme rekruitmen elit baik untuk menetapkan nama calon maupun penetapan nomor unit. Pertimbangan dari kriteria achievement (prestasi) harus lebih dikedepankan guna mendapatkan sumber daya manusia partai yang teruji kapasitasnya dalam menjalankan aspirasi konstituennya. Oleh karena itu program kaderisasi harus segera dilakukan secara berkala dan berkesinambungan.

Recruitment Of Political Party Elites In The 1999 General Election: A Case Study Of Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, Bandung CityPolitical elites are those figures who are of capability and capacity to lead and practice political control. They are a small group which determine the direction of state's life. The heavy demand for the elites' role in transforming ideal values of people into empirical realities, particularly in a nation which upholds democracy and with a strong political party culture, make it an imperative for any political party to be capable of selecting and placing its cadres selectively. Accordingly, a political elite recruitment mechanism is of highest importance in a process of creating an aspirative government.
In the 1999 general election PDI Perjuangan (Indonesia Democratic Party for Struggle) won with 33.7% of votes. It was accompanied by the winning of the party in Bandung City electorate with a majority in local parliament (DPRD). A research on the Bandung City PDIP's elite recruitment mechanism was the major problem analyzed in this thesis. The methodological approach used in identifying and discussing the problem was qualitative research, by particularly searching for those informants who know in deep the problem.
Political party theories, general election systems, elite theories and elite recruitment theories were all used in this research as a frame of reference that was helpful in analysing the findings of research in field. By this theoritical framework, it could be correlated between the fact in field and the related theories, to see whether there were discrepancies between them.
From the results obtained on the PDIP's elite recruitment mechanism it could be seen that there were some anomalies in the mechanism, that is, the party has no standard rule or reference, so the recruitment mechanism in local level was determined at local level, such as in deciding the candidates and their ranks. With no standard reference issued by the party's leadership at national level (DPP), the Bandung City PDIP's local leadership (DPC) created a Team Nine discharged to decide an elite recruitment mechanism.. Considerations on achievement and forming of cadres were not prioritized in the elite recruitment mechanism. Instead, the major considerations in the mechanism were ascribed side and patron-client patter, which is currently being eliminated from modern politics.
From the results, it could be concluded that DPP PDIP needs to determine a clear reference for decising the parliamentary candidates and their ranks. Achievement criterium should be prioritized in order to attain the party's human resource of proved capacity in exercising their constituent's aspiration. Achievement has a close relationship with party's forming of cadres program. Therefore, a forming of cadres program should be carried out periodically and continuously."
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2004
T 13823
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Faisal S. Hazis
"ABSTRAK
This article traces the major contestations that have taken place in Sabah and Sarawak throughout the 54 years of their independence. The two major areas of contestation are state power and local resources, pitting federal leaders against Sabah and Sarawaks elites. These contestations have forced the federal government to accommodate the local elites, thus ensuring the stability of Barisan Nasional (BN) rule in the East Malaysian states. However, Sabah and Sarawak elites are not homogeneous since they have different degrees of power, agendas, and aspirations. These differences have led to open feuds between the elites, resulting in the collapse of political parties and the formation of new political alignments. Over almost four decades, a great majority of the people in Sabah and Sarawak have acceded to BN rule. However, in the last decade there have been pockets of resistance against the authoritarian rule of BN and the local elites. This article argues that without accountability and a system of checks and balances, the demand for more autonomy by the increasingly vocal Sabah and Sarawak elites will benefit only them and not the general public."
2018
327 SEAS 7:3 (2018)
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Israr
"Penelitian tentang dinamika politik elit dalam perjuangan kepentingan lokal dala kasus gerakan menolak privatisasi BUMN di daerah masih terbatas jumlahnya. Penelitian ini penting karena berbagai dinamika politik elit yang terjadi di pelbagai daerah lebih banyak dalam konteks day to day politics. Sementara dinamika politik elit di balik perjuangan kepentingan lokal, khususnya dalam kasus gerakan menuntut spin-off PT Semen Padang dari PT Semen Gresik Tbk boleh dikatakan belum ada sama sekali.
Penelitian ini difokuskan pada dinamika politik elit Sumbar antara tahun 1999-2003 yang terlibat dalam perjuangan menolak rencana Pemerintah Pusat menjual sisa sahamnya di PT SG ke Cemex Meksiko di mana di dalamnya termasuk Semen Padang dan Semen Tonasa. Permasalahan yang diajukan mengenai tan kmenarikkepentingan elit yang terlibat aktif dalam gerakan lokal menuntut pemisahan SP dan faktor-faktor signifikan yang mendorong munculnya gerakan tersebut serta gerakan kontraelit, dipinjam dari teori elit yang dikemukakan Vilpredo Pareto, Robert Putnam, R Michels, Suzanna Keller, Dwaine Marvick dan beberapa lainnya.
Dengan menggunakan teknik wawancara, observasi lapangan, dan studi pustaka dikumpulkan data-data yang kemudian dengan menggunakan analisa kualitatif. Dari analisa tersebut penulis menemukan, gerakan politik elit yang terjadi dalam kasus tuntutan spin-off SP dari SG dilandasi dua motivasi sekaligus, yakni idealisme kedaerahan dan kepentingan pribadi segelintir aktor, balk berupa kepentingan bisnis maupun kepentingan politik. Ada dua pemicu munculnya tarik-menarik kepentingan elit lokal yakni (konteks) transisi politik pasca-otoriterianisme, konflik kewenangan antara provinsi dan kabupatenlkota, dan persaingan ekonomi politik lokal yang cukup ketat di era reformasi.
Dari segi implikasi teoretis, dinamika elit yang terjadi dalam gerakan menuntut spin-off SP memperkuat penjelasan tentang kecenderungan perilalcu elit yang sutra mengklaim kepentingan publik untuk kepentingan diri sendiri dan kelompok. Dinamika elit dalam gerakan spin-off SP juga mempertegas kecenderungan perpecahan di kalangan elit yang ditandai dengan munculnya manuver kelompokkelompok kontra-elit terhadap kelompok elit "mainstream ".

The research on political elites' dynamic in the struggle for local interest is still limited in particular to the case study of movement rejecting state's companies' privatization in several regions. This research is important because various political elites' dynamic in various regions are basically day to day politics. Meanwhile discussion on the dynamic of political elites behind the local interest's struggle, particularly the case of PT Semen Padang demand to spin-off from PT Semen Gresik Tbk, is none existent.
This research focus on the political elites' dynamic in Western Sumatra between 1999 - 2003 involved in the struggle to reject the central government's plan to sell its share on PT Semen Gresik (which include Semen Padang and Semen Tonasa) to Cemex, Mexico. The problem posed in this thesis are the struggle between elites' interests actively involved in local movement demanding the separation of Semen Padang and the significant factors urging the emergence of this movement and counter elite's movement, borrowed from elite theory posed by Vilfredo Pareto, Robert Putnam, R. Michels, Suzanne Keller, Dwaine Marvick, etc.
By using interview technique, field observation, and literature study, data was compiled and analyze using qualitative analysis. From this analysis, the writer found that elite political movement happened in Semen Padang's spin-off demand case to Semen Gresik based on two motivations, regional idealism and personal interest of certain actors, both business and political interests. There are two things that triggered the struggle of local elites' interest, the (context of) political transition post-authoritarianism, authority conflicts between province and kabupaten/kota, and local political economy harsh competition during Reformation era.
The theoretical implication of this study is that the elite dynamic happened in Semen Padang spin-off demand movement strengthen the explanation on the tendency of elites' behavior often claiming the public interest as their own personal and group interest. Elite dynamics in Semen Padang spin-off movement also underlined the tendency of splitting within the elites shown by the emergence of counter-elite group movements' maneuvers over the mainstream elite group.
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Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2006
T22048
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Ujang Komarudin
"Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mencari jawaban mengenai faktor-faktor apakah yang mempengaruhi kemenangan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera pada Pemilu legislatif 2004 di Provinsi DKI Jakarta dan bagaimana strategi yang digunakan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera untuk memenangkan pemilu tersebut.
Sebagai pijakan teoritis, penelitian ini menggunakan teori partai politik, kampanye politik, dan teori elit. Penulis melakukan penelitian dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, sedangkan teknik analisis data menggunakan deskriptif analitis. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan menggabungkan berbagai sumber, baik data primer maupun sekunder dan melalui wawancara. Sumber data utama, diambil dari wawancara mendalam dengan elit PKS yang menjabat sebagai pengurus DPP, DPW, dan DPD sebanyak 5 orang, ditambah wawancara dengan 1 orang akademisi sebagai pembanding.
Dari pertanyaan penelitian di atas, ditemukan beberapa faktor penyebab kemenangan PKS di Provinsi DKI Jakarta yaitu: faktor citra partai meliputi citra partai yang bersih dan peduli, responsif, dan anti KKN. Faktor fungsi partai yang berjalan dengan baik, meliputi fungsi komunikasi politik, sosialisasi politik, rekrutmen politik, dan pengatur konflik. Terakhir yaitu strategi partai yang meliputi konsolidasi, marketing, pengelolaan pemilih, dan optimalisasi leader di lapangan.
Penemuan hasil penelitian di lapangan adalah bahwa faktor citra partai yang positif di masyarakat menjadi faktor yang dominan bagi kemenangan PKS pada Pemilu legislatif 2004 di Provinsi DKI Jakarta. Sedangkan faktor fungsi partai dan strategi partai menjadi faktor pendwcung penyebab kemenangan PKS pada Pemilu legislatif 2004 di Provinsi DKI Jakarta.
Implikasi teori menunjukan bahwa proses pencitraan PKS dilakukan melalui kampanye politik. Seperti dikemukakan Riswandha Imawan, bahwa ada tiga dimensi kegiatan kampanye politik, yaitu dimensi dagang, komunikasi politik, dan mobilisasi. Sebagai dimensi dagang, elit PKS hares pandai mengkemas tema kampanye secantik mungkin, sehingga dapat menarik perhatian pemilih. Kampanye politik digunakan PKS untuk memasarkan citra partai yang bersih dan peduli, politik pencitraan yang dilakukan PKS menghasilkan suara yang signifikan pada Pemilu legislatif 2004. Kesimpulannya, teori yang dikemukakan oleh Riswandha Imawan tentang kegiatan kampanye politik yang berdimensi dagang, sesuai dengan apa yang telah dilakukan oleh PKS di lapangan.

This research aims to find the answer of factors that stimulate the triumphant of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in the legislative election in 2004 in Jakarta and the strategy used by the party to win the election.
As a theoretical framework, this research applies theory of political party, political campaign, and elite. This research also uses qualitative method, meanwhile the technique of data analysis is descriptive analytics. To collect data needed in the research, several sources, primary and secondary data, are combined and done through interview. Primary data sources are in-depth interview with five elites as the functionaries of the party from DPP, DPW and DPD. An interview with a scholar is added to compare the analysis.
From the research questions, it is found that there are several factors as reasons for the triumphant of the party in Jakarta, which are image of the party as clean and responsive party, and against any form of corruptions; good implementation of the function of political party, such as political communication, political socialization, and political recruitment; and the strategy of the party such as consolidation, marketing, constituent management, and party cadre in the society.
The finding or the research in the field is that positive image of the party is the dominant factor for the triumphant. Meanwhile, the function and the strategy of the party are the secondary factors.
Theoretical implication of the research is that imagination process of the party is set through political campaign. As stated by Riswandha Imawan, there are three dimensions of political campaign, which are market dimension, political communication, and mobilization. According to the market dimension. Elite of the party must be good to cover up the campaign to attract the voters. The party developed its campaign as clean and responsive party; the politic of imagination of the party has obtained significant voters in the election of 2004. To conclude, theory stated by Riswandha Irnawan on market dimension is suitable with what PKS did in the election.
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Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2006
T21466
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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"The republic of Indonesia Constitution Year of 1945 has guaranteed democratically the relation between state and civil society. State is conducted by the politicians as a result of election and sovereignty...."
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Abdul Gaffar Karim
"This paper discusses a dominant group in local politics of Sumenep that is based on a pesantren network that is usually referred to as the Bani Syarqawi. The author argues that the superiority of religious clerics (Kyai) over the mass in Sumenep has been mainly based on their adaptability to the transformational change of their role from traditional - charismatic to rational -authoritative by means of educational exellence and genealogical network that is both powerful and full conflict."
[place of publication not identified]: [publiser not identified], 2009
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library