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"Tujuan umum studi ialah mendeskripsikan strategi Muslim Papua pada posisinya yang tersubordinat untuk memperoleh pengakuan akan identitas budayanya pada masa Otsus. Ruang lingkup studi memfokuskan pada arena politik identitas yang mencakup Muslim Papua, Muslim pendatang, dan Kristen Papua. Identitas dalam studi ini dilihat dengan perspektif teoritik Bourdieu bahwa identitas merupakan objektivikasi representasi mental melalui praksis-praksis pelaku sosial dan subjektivikasi penanda-penanda objektif melalui strategi manipulasi simbolik. Konstruksi identitas dilakukan melalui pertarungan kekuasaan dan simbolik antara pelaku-pelaku sosial. Studi ini dilakukan dengan pendekatan kualitatif melalui studi kasus pembentukan Majelis Muslim Papua (MMP) tahun 2007. Kesimpulan studi adalah bahwa strategi Muslim Papua untuk mendapatkan pengakuan akan identitas budayanya dilakukan dengan merumuskan jati dirinya secara fleksibel, yaitu memadukan antara ke-Islam-an dan e-Papua-an, mengkontestasikan identitas budayanya dengan Muslim pendatang dan Kristen Papua dalam arena politik identitas. Studi ini juga penunjukkan bahwa identitas budaya, seperti etnik dan agama, tidak hanya berfungsi sebagai penanda objektif, tetapi juga kekuasaan simbolik. Identitas tersebut dikonstruksi, dikontestasikan, dan digunakan sebagai instrumen politik. Implikasinya, konstruksi identitas diperlukan untuk melegitimasi relasi dominasi dalam ranah kekuasaan objektif. Namun, dalam pengalaman kehidupan sehari-hari orang awam, identitas budaya ini hanya berfungsi sebagai penanda. Pembentukan Majelis Muslim Papua menunjukkan upaya merepresentasikan ke-Islam-an ke dalam ke-Papua-an. Ke-Indonesia-an bagi Muslim Papua, merupakan upaya membangun identitas ke- Papua-an yang sejati sekaligus membangun ke-Islam-an yang moderat, inklusif, dan toleran.

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This research is addressed to describe the strategy of Moslem Papua within subordinated position, to get recognition for its cultural identity in the period of Special Autonomy. Scope of study focuses on the field of identity politics, involving: Moslem Papua, Moslem migrant, and Christian Papua. The cultural identity is defined according to Bourdieu theoretical framework, i.e. object of mental representations through social practices, of objectified representations, and internalizing of objective identity markers through symbolic manipulation strategy. It is resulted from symbolic and power contestation among agents in a specific field. The study is undertaken by qualitative approach, using case study of establishment of Moslem Papua Assembly in 2007. The conclusion of this study is the strategy of Moslem Papua to get recognition for their cultural identity is undertaken by construction of its identity fluidly, i.e. acculturation between Islam-ness and Papua-ness, contestation with Papua Moslem migrant and Christian Papua in the field of identity politics. The fact of this finding is that cultural identities, such as ethnic and religion, do not only function as sign but symbolic power as well. So, these identities are constructed, contested, and used as political instrument by identity maker. It implicates that identity formation is needed to legitimate a relation of domination in the field of objective power. Nevertheless, in experience of everyday life of the common in Papua, cultural identities function as sign. The establishment of Moslem Papua Assembly constitutes as action to represent Islam-ness into Papua-ness. Meanwhile, Indonesia-ness for Moslem Papua is understood as developing truly Papua-ness together with moderate Islamic principals."

"To inherit something if it is not genetically is believed to be a culture. Knowledge is culture since it is not genetically acquired. When we are discussing the -function of knowledge that means we are discussing the `culture', because knowledge is transferred by socialization, and human get it by learning process.

Knowledge in its formation is connected to power. One of the processes in formation of knowledge is through education and power is represented by the state and its government with its regulations reinforced. In education, curriculum is the reflection of power.

The government issues the national curriculum, applied throughout the country. In the implementation, the uniformity can not be fully applied. The due to the various situation and condition in every region. Alternative education is considered to be against uniformity in the implementation of national curriculum. Alternative education is also viewed as power in education.

Power contest is the condition that comes along with the formation of knowledge. Power contest appears when knowledge is constructed, deconstructed, and reconstructed. All happen within the constellation of power.

The concept of contest is used to illustrate the struggle, the fight, competition and debate when knowledge is in formation within the constellation of power.

Teaching through schools is one of the ways to formation of knowledge. In formation of knowledge, state with its national curriculum seems to stand in one side while, children, parents, peer groups, milieu, NGOs, and media are in the other side. Power contest seems to give certain color when alternative education is set in the context.

SDKE Mangunan is a type of alternative education that we can use to illustrate power contest between education and the state in the formation of knowledge. Romo Mangun with his curriculum for SDKE Mangunan has to face the state which implements national curriculum. Children just have to face their teachers in class. This will become more complicated with the presence of others like parents, peer groups, milieu and media."

"ABSTRACTThis dissertation is about nagari reconstruction in a Malalo community seen from contestation and powerrelation perspectives. Specifically, it is about the people of Malalo Singkarak, West Sumatra whoperceive, interpret, and respond to reality in which they live, and their manifestations in the reconstructionof nagari in the momentum of regional autonomy policy. It focuses on the people strategies created anddeveloped inwardly and outwardly their Malalo?s social organization in forms of accommodation as wellas resistance, and involves various interests of the parts.Back to nagari means back to their imagined identity, adat and Islam. The adat and religious leadersconsidered that adat and Islam had been marginalized and ignored during village government era. In theera, they did not have power and authority to run local government and make decision along with thedegradation of their charisma in the community. But, in nagari era they have had golden opportunity toget back their power, influence and authority in making local government policy.This dissertation has gotten significant influences from previous main researches such as Scott (1985),Abu-Lughod (1990), and Tsing (1999). I have been much influenced by Scott?s symbolic obedience andresistance, accommodation and resistance in the same time in temts of various interests. ?One is insideand outside the state in the same time", Tsing said. Abu-Lughod has influencd me in her resistance arenaconcept. l applied qualitative approach (Hammersley and Atkinson 1983) in this case study. Datacollecting was conducted through in-depth interviews and participation- observations.This dissertation shows that reconstructing process involves contestation, negotiation, and compromisesindicated through the local leaders? strategies - accommodating or resisting - in confronting with varioussituations among themselves as well as with State. The local elites are adat leaders, as well as religious orlocal government leaders at the same time. It was sometimes hard to make separate those three one toeach other. The local elites are the linkage between local people and the State. On one hand they havedeveloped political issues through manipulating adat and religious doctrines, but on the other hand theyneed state rhetoric to establish their authorities But, the elites are not solid, homogeneous groups withoutfrictions or conflicts. Accommodation and resistance have occurred at the crossing area of the local elitesthemselves, and between them and the State.In this research nagarf is read as one that contested to, struggled for, debated on, and utilized withpolitical interests. Some of the old features of the adat have been left away but some new things came upthrough negotiation process between the local people and the States interests. lt is therefore nagari is nota static, but dynamic construct in facing with concrete situations of interests. lt is the process ofnegotiation and bargaining, interpretation and re-interpretation, and giving meaning that is calledcontestation in this dissertation.My approach in this dissertation is close to Tsin (1999), Scott (1985), and Abu-Lughod (1990). lt isrelevant with Scott?s symbolic obedience and resistance concepts. The different from Scott?s is that the..."

"On Islamic literature for young people in Indonesia; collection of articles"

"Bandit sebagai kategori sosial cenderung dikonotasikan negatif karena identik dengan penjahat, perampok atau orang-orang yang melakukan kekerasan fisik. Namun dalam sejarah sosial bandit tidak dapat dilihat secara sederhana berdasarkan opini publik. Baik dalam konteks lampau maupun kekinian, fenomena bandit tidak dapat dilepaskan dari perkembangan ekonomi dan politik. Dengan mengambil kasus sejarah sosial bandit di Polombangkeng, penelitian ini menganalisis praktik perbanditan dalam kaitannya dengan perubahan kebijakan kolonial Belanda dari periode 1905 sampai berakhirnya intervensi politik Belanda di Sulawesi Selatan pada 1950. Dengan menggunakan metodologi sejarah yang menekankan pada proses dan waktu, hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa praktik-praktik perbanditan yang diperankan oleh toloq dalam sejarah Polombangkeng merupakan bentuk protes atas ketidakadilan sosial, politik dan ekonomi. Kebijakan negara kolonial yang mereduksi otoritas tradisional mendorong munculnya resistensi dari bangsawanyang posisinya marginal atau terpinggirkan dari hierarki pemerintahan kolonial. Marginalisasi ini kemudian tidak hanya menjadi masalah ekonomi dan politik semata, tetapi juga merembes ke masalah identitas dan siri’ (harga diri) yang terusik. Perbanditan bertali temali dengan ekonomi, politik dan budaya. Bangsawan yang termarginalkan mempertontonkan kuasanya dengan melindungi kasus-kasus perampokan yang diperankan oleh toloq. Akibatnya muncul jaringan perbanditan sebagai bentuk extra-legal yang dipelihara oleh otoritas tradisional yang melampaui otoritas negara kolonial Belanda. Pada abad ke dua puluh, arah kebijakan kolonial Belanda yang semakin hegemonik mendorong semakin menguatkan pula koalisi toloq dengan karaeng yang kemudian disahkan secara terbuka melalui upacara ritual. Aksi perbanditan berkembang menjadi gerakan pemberontakan. Realitas politik dan koalisi toloq dengan karaengsemakin dinamis pada masa revolusi kemerdekaan Indonesia. Organisasi toloq yang selama ini berkoalisi dengan karaeng memosisikan dirinya sebagai bagian dari perjuangan melawan kehadiran NICA di Sulawesi Selatan. Hasil penelitian ini dapat disimpulkan bahwa trajektori peran dan tindakan toloq sebagai aktor penting dalam perbanditan mengalami perubahan dalam konteks transisi politik lokal dan kolonial. Perubahan pola dan strategi perbanditan merupakan respons atas perubahan-perubahan kebijakan pemerintah kolonial Belanda.

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Bandits as a social category generally tend to have a negative connotation because they are identical to criminals, robbers, or people who often carry out physically violent acts. However, the social history of bandits cannot be labeled as simple criminals by public opinion. Both in the past and current context, bandits are inseparable from economic and political developments. Through the social history of bandits in Polombangkeng, this study analyzes the acts of banditry in relation to the changes in the Dutch colonial policies from 1905 to the end of the Dutch political intervention in South Sulawesi in 1950. By using a historical methodology that emphasizes the processes and time, the results show that Bandit acts performed by “toloq” in the history of Polombangkeng are a form of protest against social, political, and economic injustice. The colonial state's policy that reducing traditional authority led to resistance from “karaeng,” whose positions were marginal or marginalized from the colonial government hierarchy. Furthermore, the marginalization was becoming an economic and political problem and seeped into the disturbed identity and “siri'” (dignity). Bandits are closely related to economics, politics, and culture. Marginalized “karaeng” exhibited their power by protecting the robbery performed by “toloq”. As a result, a network of bandits emerged as an extra-legal form maintained by traditional authorities that surpassed the authority of the Dutch colonial state. In the twentieth century, the increasingly hegemonic policy of the Dutch colonial encouraged the strengthening of the alliance of “toloq” and “karaeng”, which was then openly legitimated through ritual ceremonies. The banditry developed into a rebellion movement. The political reality and the coalition of toloq and karaeng became more dynamic during the Indonesian independence revolution. The “toloq” organization, which has been in coalition with “karaeng”, has positioned itself as part of the struggle against the presence of NICA in South Sulawesi. This study concludes that the trajectory of the role and actions of “toloq” as an important actor in banditry has changed in the context of local and colonial political transitions. Changes in the pattern and strategy of banditry were a response to changes in the policies of the Dutch colonial government."

"Bandit sebagai kategori sosial cenderung dikonotasikan negatif karena identik dengan penjahat, perampok atau orang-orang yang melakukan kekerasan fisik. Namun dalam sejarah sosial bandit tidak dapat dilihat secara sederhana berdasarkan opini publik. Baik dalam konteks lampau maupun kekinian, fenomena bandit tidak dapat dilepaskan dari perkembangan ekonomi dan politik. Dengan mengambil kasus sejarah sosial bandit di Polombangkeng, penelitian ini menganalisis praktik perbanditan dalam kaitannya dengan perubahan kebijakan kolonial Belanda dari periode 1905 sampai berakhirnya intervensi politik Belanda di Sulawesi Selatan pada 1950. Dengan menggunakan metodologi sejarah yang menekankan pada proses dan waktu, hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa praktik-praktik perbanditan yang diperankan oleh toloq dalam sejarah Polombangkeng merupakan bentuk protes atas ketidakadilan sosial, politik dan ekonomi. Kebijakan negara kolonial yang mereduksi otoritas tradisional mendorong munculnya resistensi dari bangsawanyang posisinya marginal atau terpinggirkan dari hierarki pemerintahan kolonial. Marginalisasi ini kemudian tidak hanya menjadi masalah ekonomi dan politik semata, tetapi juga merembes ke masalah identitas dan siri’ (harga diri) yang terusik. Perbanditan bertali temali dengan ekonomi, politik dan budaya. Bangsawan yang termarginalkan mempertontonkan kuasanya dengan melindungi kasus-kasus perampokan yang diperankan oleh toloq. Akibatnya muncul jaringan perbanditan sebagai bentuk extra-legal yang dipelihara oleh otoritas tradisional yang melampaui otoritas negara kolonial Belanda. Pada abad ke dua puluh, arah kebijakan kolonial Belanda yang semakin hegemonik mendorong semakin menguatkan pula koalisi toloq dengan karaeng yang kemudian disahkan secara terbuka melalui upacara ritual. Aksi perbanditan berkembang menjadi gerakan pemberontakan. Realitas politik dan koalisi toloq dengan karaengsemakin dinamis pada masa revolusi kemerdekaan Indonesia. Organisasi toloq yang selama ini berkoalisi dengan karaeng memosisikan dirinya sebagai bagian dari perjuangan melawan kehadiran NICA di Sulawesi Selatan. Hasil penelitian ini dapat disimpulkan bahwa trajektori peran dan tindakan toloq sebagai aktor penting dalam perbanditan mengalami perubahan dalam konteks transisi politik lokal dan kolonial. Perubahan pola dan strategi perbanditan merupakan respons atas perubahan-perubahan kebijakan pemerintah kolonial Belanda.

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Bandits as a social category generally tend to have a negative connotation because they are identical to criminals, robbers, or people who often carry out physically violent acts. However, the social history of bandits cannot be labeled as simple criminals by public opinion. Both in the past and current context, bandits are inseparable from economic and political developments. Through the social history of bandits in Polombangkeng, this study analyzes the acts of banditry in relation to the changes in the Dutch colonial policies from 1905 to the end of the Dutch political intervention in South Sulawesi in 1950. By using a historical methodology that emphasizes the processes and time, the results show that Bandit acts performed by “toloq” in the history of Polombangkeng are a form of protest against social, political, and economic injustice. The colonial state's policy that reducing traditional authority led to resistance from “karaeng,” whose positions were marginal or marginalized from the colonial government hierarchy. Furthermore, the marginalization was becoming an economic and political problem and seeped into the disturbed identity and “siri'” (dignity). Bandits are closely related to economics, politics, and culture. Marginalized “karaeng” exhibited their power by protecting the robbery performed by “toloq”. As a result, a network of bandits emerged as an extra-legal form maintained by traditional authorities that surpassed the authority of the Dutch colonial state. In the twentieth century, the increasingly hegemonic policy of the Dutch colonial encouraged the strengthening of the alliance of “toloq” and “karaeng”, which was then openly legitimated through ritual ceremonies. The banditry developed into a rebellion movement. The political reality and the coalition of toloq and karaeng became more dynamic during the Indonesian independence revolution. The “toloq” organization, which has been in coalition with “karaeng”, has positioned itself as part of the struggle against the presence of NICA in South Sulawesi. This study concludes that the trajectory of the role and actions of “toloq” as an important actor in banditry has changed in the context of local and colonial political transitions. Changes in the pattern and strategy of banditry were a response to changes in the policies of the Dutch colonial government."

"Kontestasi anime Jepang dan animasi Cina (donghua) merupakan fenomena yang menarik. Belakangan ini, film animasi yang beredar bukan hanya didominasi oleh anime Jepang namun juga film animasi Cina atau yang dikenal dengan sebutan donghua. Peminat anime Jepang mulai melirik donghua Cina. Bagaimana kontestasi konkrit di antara keduanya menjadi fokus permasalahan penelitian ini. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah menjelaskan kontestasi anime Jepang dan donghua Cina. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kontestasi budaya yang dikemukakan oleh Marc Howard Ross (2009) dan soft power dari Joseph Nye (2004). Eksplanasi atas kontestasi anime Jepang dan donghua Cina terbagi atas kontestasi unsur intrinsik dan kontestasi unsur ekstrinsik. Kontestasi unsur intrinsik berkenaan dengan (i) isi cerita, (ii) sinematografi, dan (iii) karakter animasi. Sementara itu, kontestasi unsur ekstrinsik, terbagi atas (i) kontestasi popularitas anime Jepang dan donghua Cina di kalangan komunitasnya, dan (ii) kontestasi popularitas anime-donghua di kalangan reviewer anime. Berdasarkan hasil yang diperoleh, anime Jepang masih dapat berkontestasi dalam unsur intrinsik dan ekstrinsik. Namun, permasalahan internal seperti pekerjaan animator yang bekerja melampaui batas dengan pendapatan yang rendah membuat orang Jepang enggan menjadi animator. Jika permasalahan ini tidak teratasi, anime akan mengalami masalah dalam hal rekrutmen animator yang berkualitas. Sementara itu, donghua dalam hal ini masih pada tahap mengembangkan unsur intrinsik dan ekstrinsiknya, seperti isi cerita, sinematografi, karakter anime, popularitas di kalangan komunitas dan reviewer. Meskipun pembuatan animasinya sudah sangat canggih, masih ada bagian-bagian tertentu dalam unsur intrinsik dan ekstrinsik yang belum bisa menyaingi anime.

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The contestation between Japanese anime and Chinese animation (donghua) is an interesting phenomena. These days, animated films in circulation are not only dominated by Japanese anime but also Chinese animated films or known as donghua. Japanese anime fans are starting to look at Chinese donghua. How concrete contestation between the two is the focus of this research problem. The purpose of this research is to explain the contestation of Japanese anime and Chinese donghua. The theory used in this research is cultural contestation proposed by Marc Howard Ross (2009) and soft power from Joseph Nye (2004). Explanation of the contestation of Japanese anime and Chinese donghua is divided into intrinsic element contestation and extrinsic element contestation. Intrinsic element contestation concerns (i) story content, (ii) cinematography, and (iii) animated characters. Meanwhile, the contestation of extrinsic elements is divided into (i) contestation of the popularity of Japanese anime and Chinese donghua among their communities, and (ii) contestation of anime-donghua popularity among anime reviewers. Based on the results obtained, Japanese anime can still contest in intrinsic and extrinsic elements. However, internal problems such as overworked animators with low income discourage Japanese people from becoming animators. If these issues are not resolved, anime will experience problems in terms of recruiting qualified animators. Meanwhile, donghua in this case is still in the stage of developing its intrinsic and extrinsic elements, such as story content, cinematography, anime characters, popularity among the community and reviewers. Although the animation creation is very sophisticated, there are still certain parts such as story content, popularity among the community and reviewers that cannot compete with anime."

"Elit dan basis sosial merupakan dua elemen penting dalam partai politik, namun memiliki "nasib" yang berbeda. Demokrasi yang seharusnya mampu menyetarakan peran keduanya dalam arena kontestasi (pemilu dan pemilukada) tak sepenuhnya berhasil. "Jebakan" demokrasi prosedural yang dilakukan oleh para elit partai semakin menenggelamkan peran basis sosial dalam kancah pemilu dan pemilukada daripada memperkuat demokrasi yang substantif.Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, penelitian ini berfokus pada peran elit dan basis sosial Partai Demokrat dalam pemilukada Kota Depok tahun 2010. Penelitian ini akhirnya menemukan bahwa elit dan basis sosial Partai Demokrat dalam pemilukada Kota Depok tahun 2010 memiliki peran yang saling berlawanan. Hal ini dikarenakan adanya konflik yang tidak terselesaikan atas calon yang diusung oleh Partai Demokrat. Elit telah memutuskan mendukung pasangan Badrul Kamal dan Agus Suprianto dalam pemilukada, sementara basis sosial menginginkan Partai Demokrat mengusung kadernya sendiri, yaitu Agung Witjaksono, ketua DPC Partai Demokrat Kota Depok saat itu. Koalisi yang dibangun oleh elit partai dan sang calon akhirnya harus berhadapan dengan koalisi yang dibangun oleh basis sosial Partai Demokrat yang ada diranting, yaitu "relawan bintang mercy tiga". Selanjutnya yang terjadi adalah koalisi basis sosial Partai Demokrat versus koalisi elit partai.

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Elites and social basis are the two important elements in political parties but they have different "fate". Democracy should be able to give both roles in the constetation arena equally. The constetation arena are general election and regional head election. In fact it is not totally successful. "The trap" of procedural democracy that political party's elites have carried out has sinked the role of social basis election than has strengthened substantive democracy.

By applying qualitative methods, the research focuses on the role of elites and social basis of Democrat Party in the Depok Regional Head Election in 2010. It found finally that the elites and social basis of Democracy Party in the Depok Regional Head Election in 2010 have contradictive roles. It relates to the unsolved conflicts that Democrat Party had proposed. The elites had made decision of supporting Badrul Kamal and Agus Suprianto in the regional head election while the social basis required Democrat Party to support its own cadre, i.e. Agung Witjaksono, the Depok City Democrat Party Branch Leadership Board. The coalition that the party's elites and the candidates had decided had to face to face to its social basis in the branch level, i.e. "the three-mercy-star volunteers". Moreover, there was the coalition of the party's social basis versus that of its elites."

"Kepelbagaian atau pluralitas di Indonesia memiliki sejarah panjang yang diwarnai dengan konflik dan kekerasan. Bahkan sejak sebelum masa kemerdekaan, kepelbagaian telah menjadi penyebab dari adanya konflik yang berbasis pada perbedaan etnis dan agama Bahasa yang menurut Sukarno dan Bourdieu dapat menjadi penyebab meningkatnya tegangan dalan pemaknaan dikarenakan oleh hakekat teks sebagai person yang selalu mengandung kepentingan. Pemilihan bahasa yang merepresentasi kepentingan dan ideology merupakan sumber dari pertarungan untuk memenangkan dominasi terhadap yang lain.Berdasarkan pemahaman tersebut, peneliti telah menganalisis wacana pluralisme pada sejumlah akun twitter. Peneliti berupaya menganalisis praktik kekerasan simbolikyang muncul karena dikonstruksioleh pengguna akun twitter tersebut. Peneliti menggunakan teori habitus, kapital, arena and kekerasan simbolik yang dikemukakan oleh Pierre Bourdieu dan ditunjang oleh konsep kekuasaan menurut Michel Foucault. Peneliti menggunakan paradigma kritis, metode pengumpulan data berbasis observasi dan wawancara. Sementara metode analisis menggunakan kerangka semiotika Roland Barthes.Setelah mengamati beberapa akun twitter yang merepresentasikan dua pandangan yang berbeda: mendukung dan menentang pluralisme, peneliti menemukan adanya sejumlah mitos yang berlangsung dalam arena. Mitos mengenai klaim kebenaran tunggal yang absolut menjadi kerangka yang melegitimasi penerimaan terhadap kekerasan. Dan hal itu terjadi berkat adanya habitus yang terbentuk dalam masyarakat melalui rentang waktu yang panjang dan diwacanakan oleh institusi-institusi sosial seperti institusi pendidikan, agama da media massa, bahkan institusi pemerintahan. Setiap pihak yang terlibat dalam twitter mereproduksi wacana yang berbeda dan masing-masing berusaha membangun habitus, bagi pendukung berusaha membangun habitus baru, bagi penentang berusaha mengukuhkan habitus lama untuk mendukung status quo. Sekalipun demikian penelitian menunjukkan bahwa twitter memiliki potensi untuk menjadi media alternatif yang membentuk habitus yang nirkekerasan.Penelitian menunjukkan bahwa wacana yang direproduksi oleh penentang pluralisme adalah tentang kekuatan uang di balik wacana pluralisme untuk melegitimasi resistensi mereka terhadap pluralisme dan penerimaan terhadap kekerasan.

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Diversity in Indonesia has such a long history which has been filled by conflict and violence. In fact, before its independence, diversity became cause of conflicts of multi religions and ethnics. Language; as Sukarno and Bourdieu mentioned, became a cause of rising tension in perceiving meaning. This happened because every text is a message as said by Roland Barthes. It means, every text shown in every arena including twitter has the meaning indeed. Language selection can also represent certain interests and ideology, and that?s what defines discourse. Language derived from the idea of domination. By then, discourse can be changeable according to the purpose of the parties/individuals who are trying to fight their dominant ideas.

Based on the understanding of that, researcher has tried to analyze the discourse of pluralism in several twitter accounts. Researcher has tried to analyze how symbolic violence constructed to the actor of twitter arena as shown in their account. By that, researcher has used the theory of habitus, capital, arena and symbolic violence by Pierre Bourdieu and supported by Michel Foucault?s power. The method analysis utilized in this research is Roland Barthes? semiotic. Researcher has used critical paradigm. The data collection methods were using observation and interview.

By observed several accounts on twitter that represented different perspectives on pluralism, pro and anti-pluralism, researcher has tried to reveal the myth that happened on the twitter arena. By then, researcher find symbolic violence appear through the habitus that constructed to the individu from a long period and going through the social institutions such as education, religion, media institution. Every parties in twitter has reproduced the different discourse that build new habitus or established the old habitus to support the ideology of status quo.

The result of this research shown that the discourse of pluralism that produced by the antipluralism draws an effort of dominant party to legitimate violence as a way to solve the problem of differences. Then they produced and reproduced the discourse pluralism by appointing Jaringan Islam Liberal (JIL) as the enemy of Islam and suspect that America behind this (the pluralism) who also funded and facilitated the idea of pluralism."

"Penelitian ini merupakan studi komunikasi politik, yang memfokuskan pada bahasa politik terkait dengan berbagai pemaknaan dan clash of argument tentang sebutan ?petugas partai? pada relasi Jokowi dengan para politikus. Secara faktual berbagai permasalahan sosial dapat muncul dari masalah pemaknaan. Percekcokan, perselisihan, kesalahpahaman merupakan masalah-masalah yang dapat timbul dari pemaknaan. Masalah penelitian ini adalah bagaimana kontestasi makna sebutan ?petugas partai? dalam drama politik pada periode Maret 2014 sampai April 2015 di Indonesia dan bagaimana aktor-aktor politik berkomunikasi (political talks) tentang sebutan ?petugas partai? dalam drama tersebut. Penelitian ini secara teoritik menggunakan pendekatan dramatisme Kenneth Burke yang melihat manusia sebagai the symbol using animal yang menggunakan bahasa sebagai simbol terpenting yang didorong oleh motif-motif kepentingan. Sumber data primer yang digunakan adalah media online detik pada periode Maret 2014 sampai April 2015 dengan mencermati pernyataan-pernyataan langsung dari berbagai aktor-aktor politik. Metode analisis yang digunakan adalah pentad analysis yang melihat hubungan analitik antara scene, act, agent, dan purpose.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan selama periode Maret 2014 sampai April 2015 terdapat empat keadaan objektif yang memperlihatkan panggung drama (scene) dimana sebutan ?petugas partai? saling bersaing. Pertama, pada saat Megawati Soekarnoputri selaku Ketua PDIP menulis surat madat pencapresan Joko Widodo. Kedua, Pelantikan Kabinet Kerja di Istana Negara. Ketiga, Pelantikan Jaksa Agung, dan Keempat, Penunjukan Komjen Budi Gunawan sebagai Kapolri. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sebutan ?petugas partai? berkembang menjadi kontroversi yang melibatkan berbagai aktor politik (agent) yang sangat luas, di dalam berbagai scene kejadian yang berbeda-beda. Kontestasi dapat dicermati dari pihak-pihak yang pro dan pihak-pihak yang kontra. Sebutan ?petugas partai? oleh Megawati bisa dimaknai bahwa Jokowi adalah seorang yang diberi tugas oleh partai. Sebagai seorang yang diberi tugas oleh partai, maka Jokowi dituntut untuk patuh dan setia (loyal) pada partai (purpose). Sedangkan bagi Prabowo, lawan politiknya, sebutan ?petugas partai? diberi makna baru menjadi ?pemimpin boneka? yang bisa dimaknai sebagai ?pemimpin yang hanya menjadi mainan orang?. Dengan demikian, sebutan ?petugas partai? tidak dapat dipisahkan dari perebutan pengaruh dan kendali terhadap Presiden Jokowi. Dalam jalinan-jalinan tersebut retorika mempunyai kegunaan dasar dalam memenangkan persaingan dan kompetisi.

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This research is a study of political communication, which focuses on political language associated with a variety of meanings and clash of argument about the term ?party officials? in relation with Jokowi and politicians. Factually, various social problems that can arise from the meaning. This research problem is how contestation meaning of the term ?party officials? in the political drama in the period from March 2014 until April 2015 in Indonesia and how the political actors communicate (political talks) about the term ?party officials? in the drama. This study theoritically use Kenneth Burke Dramatism approach that sees humans as the symbol using animal who uses language as an important symbol that is driven by motives of interest. The primary data source used is the Detik Online media in the period from March 2014 in order to examine the statements from the various political actors. The anlytic scene, act, agent, and purpose.The result showed, during the period March 2014 to April 2015 there were four objective circumstances showing the stage play (scene) where the term ?party officials? competing against each other. First, at the time of Megawati Soekarnoputri as the Chairman of the PDIP writing credential presidential nomination Joko Widodo. Secondly, inaugural Working Cabinet at the State Palace. Third, Inaugural Attorney General, and the Fourth, appointment of the Commissioner General Budi Gunawan as police chief. The result showed that the term ?party officials? developed into a controversy involving a wide range of political actors (the agent), in various scenes of different events. Contestation can be observed from the parties pro and contra parties. The term ?party officials? by Megawati could be interpreted that Jokowi is a man who was given the task by the party. As someone who was given the task by the party, then Jokowi required to be obedient and faithful (loyal) to the party (purpose). Meanwhile Prabowo, Jokowi?s political opponents, gave the term ?party officials? new meaning to ?figurehead? that could be interpreted as a ?leader just be a toy person?. Thus, the term ?party officials? can not be separeted from the struggle for influence and control ot the President Jokowi. In this communication braid rhetoric has a basic utility in winning the competition."