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"Montesquieu membagi kekuasaan pemerintahan menjadi tiga cabang, yakni legislatif, eksekutif, dan kekuasaan kehakiman. Setelah amendemen UUD NRI 1945, Indonesia memiliki lembaga kehakiman, yakni Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Pembentukan MK ditujukan untuk menafsir dan mengawal konstitusi melalui putusannya. Salah satu kewenangan dari MK adalah memberikan putusan terkait dengan pemberhentian Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden atau proses impeachment Pasal 24C ayat (2) UUD NRI 1945. Dalam proses impeachment Presiden ada beberapa lembaga yang berperan, yakni lembaga politik DPR dan MPR serta lembaga peradilan yaitu MK. Adapun yang menjadi masalah proses yang dilaksanakan DPR ini adalah bersifat politis walaupun atas dasar dugaan pelanggaran hukum. Berbeda dengan lembaga politik, tentu lembaga peradilan mengambil keputusan berdasarkan fakta material. Sehingga, timbul persoalan jika MK memutuskan Presiden bersalah dan MPR kemudian membatalkan putusan tersebut dengan tidak memberhentikan Presiden. Penulis menggunakan metode yuridis-normatif dalam penelitian ini dengan menganalisis prinsip hukum dan sumber hukum tertulis terkait dengan impeachment di Indonesia dan membandingkannya dengan mekanisme impeachment di negara lain. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Peranan MK melalui putusannya memiliki peran yang strategis sebab putusan tersebut final dan mengikat bagi DPR sebagai pihak yang melakukan permohonan ke MK. Selain itu, putusan MK disini bukan sebagai vonis tetapi lebih kepada suatu pertimbangan hukum bagi DPR dan MPR. Maka dari itu, perlu untuk melakukan amendemen UUD 1945 dengan menjelaskan secara tegas mengenai sifat final dan mengikat putusan MK dalam proses pemberhentian Presiden atau Wakil Presiden.

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Montesquieu divided government power into three branches, namely legislative, executive, and judicial powers. After the amendment of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia has a judicial institution, namely the Constitutional Court (MK). The formation of the Constitutional Court is intended to interpret and guard the constitution through its decisions. One of the powers of the Constitutional Court is to give decisions related to the dismissal of the President and/or Vice President or the impeachment process of Article 24C paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. MK. The problem with the process carried out by the DPR is that it is political in nature even though it is based on alleged violations of the law. In contrast to political institutions, of course the judiciary makes decisions based on material facts. Thus, a problem arises if the MK decides the President is guilty and the MPR then cancels the decision by not dismissing the President. The author uses the juridical-normative method in this study by analyzing legal principles and written legal sources related to impeachment in Indonesia and comparing them with impeachment mechanisms in other countries. The results of the study show that the role of the MK through its decisions has a strategic role because the decisions are final and binding for the DPR as the party making the application to the MK. In addition, the MK decision here is not a verdict but rather a legal consideration for the DPR and MPR. Therefore, it is necessary to amend the 1945 Constitution by clearly explaining the final and binding nature of the Constitutional Court's decision in the process of dismissing the President or Vice President."

"[ABSTRAKKedaulatan rakyat, demokrasi, dan pemilihan umum (pemilu) merupakan hal yang terkait satu dengan yang lain. Pemilu menjadi cara yang dipilih untuk menciptakan wakil-wakil rakyat yang dapat merepresentasikan keinginan dan kebutuhan rakyat. Di Indonesia, pemilu dilangsungkan untuk memilih anggota legislatif dan untuk memilih Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia harus memenuhi persyaratan untuk terpilih menjadi Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia. Persyaratan tersebut adalah syarat suara mayoritas mutlak dan syarat persebaran suara. Kedua syarat tersebut diatur dalam Pasal 6A ayat (3) UUD 1945. Pada pemilu Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tahun 2014, syarat persebaran suara tidak diberlakukan. Hal ini karena hanya terdapat dua pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Padahal, kehadiran syarat persebaran suara adalah untuk mengakomodasi keberagaman antar daerah di Indonesia. Keberagaman atau perbedaan tersebut terutama dalam hal jumlah penduduk. Hadirnya syarat persebaran suara juga menjadikan daerah sebagai objek sehingga kelak daerah dapat memberikan legitimasinya kepada pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tersebut. Ketidakberlakuan syarat persebaran suara akan membawa berbagai dampak baik dari sisi pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden maupun dari sisi daerah. Dampak yang mungkin timbul diantaranya adalah perolehan suara yang terpusat di daerah-daerah tertentu, muncul konsep minority of directors vs. majority of directed, kampanye yang berfokus pada daerah tertentu, dan pengesampingan makna demokrasi.

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ABSTRACTPeople’s sovereignty, democracy, and election are connected to each other. Election happens to be the method that is chosen to generate people’s representatives who can represent people’s wishes and needs. In Indonesia, election is held to choose the member of legislature and President and Vice President. The presidential candidates must fulfill the requirements to be elected as President and Vice President of Indonesia. The requirements are the majority requirements votes absolute and distribution requirement votes. Both of these requirements are regulated in Article 6A of the Act of 1945. On the presidential election in 2014, the distribution requirement was not implemented, because there were two pairs of President and Vice President Candidates. As a matter of fact, the existence of the distribution requirement votes is beneficial to accommodate the diversity among regions in Indonesia, particularly in terms of population. The existence of distribution requirement votes also makes the region becomes the object. As a result, the region can provide the legitimacy to the Presidential Candidates. Non-enforcement of distribution requirement votes will impact the Presidential candidates and the region itself. The possible impacts that will come out because of the non-enforcement of absolute distribution requirement are the ballot will be focused in certain regions, the concept of minority if directors vs. majority of directed will be appear, the campaign will be focused on certain regions, and the meaning of democracy will be neglected., People’s sovereignty, democracy, and election are connected to each other. Election happens to be the method that is chosen to generate people’s representatives who can represent people’s wishes and needs. In Indonesia, election is held to choose the member of legislature and President and Vice President. The presidential candidates must fulfill the requirements to be elected as President and Vice President of Indonesia. The requirements are the majority requirements votes absolute and distribution requirement votes. Both of these requirements are regulated in Article 6A of the Act of 1945. On the presidential election in 2014, the distribution requirement was not implemented, because there were two pairs of President and Vice President Candidates. As a matter of fact, the existence of the distribution requirement votes is beneficial to accommodate the diversity among regions in Indonesia, particularly in terms of population. The existence of distribution requirement votes also makes the region becomes the object. As a result, the region can provide the legitimacy to the Presidential Candidates. Non-enforcement of distribution requirement votes will impact the Presidential candidates and the region itself. The possible impacts that will come out because of the non-enforcement of absolute distribution requirement are the ballot will be focused in certain regions, the concept of minority if directors vs. majority of directed will be appear, the campaign will be focused on certain regions, and the meaning of democracy will be neglected.]"

"Skripsi ini adalah membahas pelaksanaan Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden secara langsung oleh rakyat pasca perubahan UUD 1945 yang telah dilaksanakan sejak Pemilihan Presiden Dan Wakil Presiden Tahun 2004. Pemilihan Umum secara langsung merupakan pelaksanaan demokrasi oleh masyarakat, memungkinkan timbulnya perselisihan dalam pelaksanaan dan perhitungan suara dalam penentuan pemenang pada pemilihan tersebut, untuk itu skripsi ini menguraikan tata cara penyelesaian sengketa Pemilu Presiden dan Wakil Presiden oleh lembaga peradilan Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai pemegang kekuasaan untuk mengadili sengketa Pemilu

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This paper isto discussthe implementation of the General Election of President and Vice President directly by the people after the 1945 changes that have been implemented since the election of President and Vice President in 2004. Election directly in the exercise of democracy by the people, allowing the emergence of disputes in the implementation and counting in determining the winner in the elections, for this thesis outlines the procedures for dispute resolution election of President and Vice President of the Constitutional Courtas ajudicial institution authority to adjudicate disputes elections."

"Amandemen konstitusi yang berlangsung sejak tahun 1999 hingga 2022 mempertegas bahwa Negara Indonesia menganut sistem pemerintahan presidensial. Salah satu cara yang sering dibahas untuk meningkatkan efektivitas sistem pemerintahan presidensial adalah dengan melaksanakan pemilu secara serentak dengan menerapkan ambang batas pencalonan presiden yang sekarang diatur dalam pasal 222 UU Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilu yang memberikan syarat kepada partai politik harus mendapatkan minimal 20 persen kursi DPR atau 25 persen suara sah nasional untuk bisa mengusung Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Dalam praktiknya, ketentuan ini selalu mengundang kontroversi dan sudah berulang kali diuji di Mahkamah Konstitusi. Tulisan ini akan menjelaskan secara detail bagaimana pengaturan ambang batas pencalonan presiden di Indonesia. Kemudian, tulisan ini juga akan menganalisis bagaimana ambang batas pencalonan presiden menurut putusan mahkamah konstitusi tahun 2022-2023. Tulisan ini disusun menggunakan metode penelitian doktrinal. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa norma ambang batas pencalonan presiden tidak diatur dalam UUD NRI Tahun 1945, konstitusi hanya mengatur ambang batas kemenangan yang tercantum pada pasal 6 ayat (3). Norma ambang batas pencalonan presiden diatur secara detail pada undang-undang yang mengatur tentang teknis pelaksanaan pemilihan umum seperti UU No.23 Tahun 2003, UU No.42 Tahun 2008, dan UU No.7 Tahun 2017. Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam putusan-putusan nya selalu menegaskan bahwa norma ambang batas pencalonan presiden merupakan kebijakan hukum terbuka dan tidak bertentangan dengan UUD NRI Tahun 1945. Mahkamah Konstitusi menilai bahwa norma ambang batas pencalonan presiden memberikan dampak positif kepada sistem pemerintahan presidensial yang kuat.

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The constitutional amendments that took place from 1999 to 2022 emphasized that Indonesia adheres to a presidential system of government. One way that is often discussed to increase the effectiveness of the presidential government system is to hold elections simultaneously by implementing the presidential nomination threshold which is now regulated in article 222 of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections which provides conditions for political parties to obtain a minimum of 20 percent of DPR seats. or 25 percent of valid national votes to be able to nominate candidates for President and Vice President. In practice, this provision always invites controversy and has been repeatedly tested at the Constitutional Court. This article will explain in detail how the threshold for presidential candidacy is set in Indonesia. Then, this article will also analyze the threshold for presidential candidacy according to the decision of the constitutional court in 2022- 2023. This article was prepared using doctrinal research methods. The research results show that the threshold norms for presidential candidacy are not regulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, the constitution only regulates the victory threshold as stated in article 6 paragraph (3). The threshold norms for presidential candidacy are regulated in detail in laws that regulate the technical implementation of general elections, such as Law No. 23 of 2003, Law No. 42 of 2008, and Law No. 7 of 2017. The Constitutional Court in its decisions always emphasized that the threshold norm for presidential candidacy is an open legal policy and does not conflict with the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The Constitutional Court considered that the threshold norm for presidential candidacy had a positive impact on a strong presidential government system."

"Skripsi ini membahas mengenai kedudukan Bawaslu dalam penyelesaian perkara PHPU Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Mahkamah Konstitusi. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui kedudukan Bawaslu dalam PHPU Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia serta menjelaskan sejauh mana hukum acara Mahkamah Konstitusi mempertimbangkan kedudukan Bawaslu dalam pertimbangan putusan perkara PHPU Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode penelitian hukum doktrinal serta analisis Putusan PHPU Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dari tahun 2009 hingga 2024. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian ini, ditemukan bahwa Bawaslu merupakan pihak pemberi keterangan dalam perkara PHPU Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Selain itu, Bawaslu juga diberi kewenangan untuk menghadirkan saksi atau ahli dalam proses persidangan PHPU Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Akan tetapi, hukum acara Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam menangani perkara PHPU Presiden dan Wakil Presiden masih belum sempurna. Dalam mempertimbangkan putusannya, Hakim Konstitusi juga masih bergantung pada keterangan Bawaslu. Mahkamah Konstitusi juga dalam putusan PHPU Presiden dan Wakil Presiden mengesampingkan dalil permohonan Pemohon ketika ditemukan bahwa Bawaslu telah menangani perkara tersebut, terlepas apakah proses di Bawaslu telah dilakukan secara benar atau tidak. Untuk menyelesaikan masalah tersebut, diperlukan perubahan terhadap Undang-Undang Mahkamah Konstitusi, Undang-Undang Pemilihan Umum, serta peraturan perundang-undangan di bawahnya guna memperbaiki tata cara penanganan pelanggaran pemilu di Bawaslu serta menyempurnakan hukum acara PHPU Presiden dan Wakil Presiden oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi.

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This undergraduate thesis discusses the position of General Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) in the resolution of Dispute over the Results of Presidential General Elections (PHPU of the President and Vice President) in the Constitutional Court. The purpose of this research is to determine the position of Bawaslu in the PHPU of the President and Vice President in Indonesia and to explain the extent to which the procedural law of the Constitutional Court considers the position of Bawaslu in the consideration of the decision of the PHPU case of the President and Vice President in Indonesia. This research was conducted using doctrinal legal research methods and analysis of PHPU decisions of the President and Vice President from 2009 to 2024. Based on the results of this study, it was found that Bawaslu is a party providing information in the PHPU case of the President and Vice President. In addition, Bawaslu is also entitled to present witnesses or experts in the PHPU trial of the President and Vice President. However, the procedural law of the Constitutional Court in dealing with the PHPU cases of the President and Vice President is still not perfect. The Constitutional Court often relies on Bawaslu's testimony in reaching its decision. The Constitutional Court has also often rejected the petitioner's arguments when it found that Bawaslu had handled the case, regardless of whether or not Bawaslu's procedure was correct. To solve these problems, amendments to the Constitutional Court Law, the General Election Law and the laws and regulations under them are needed to improve the procedures for handling election violations in Bawaslu and to improve the procedural law for the PHPU president and vice-president by the Constitutional Court."

"[ABSTRAKKetentuan mengenai penghinaan terhadap Presiden dan Wakil Presiden diatur dalam pasal 134, 136bis, dan pasal 137 KUHP. Pasal ini muncul sebagai adopsi dari pasal penghinaan terhadap Raja dan Ratu Belanda yang turut diberlakukan di Indonesia pada era sebelum kemerdekaan berdasarkan asas konkordansi. Setelah kemerdekaan, ketentuan tersebut dipertahankan namun dengan penyesuaian berupa perubahan pada frasa "Raja" dan "Ratu" menjadi "Presiden" dan "Wakil Presiden". Sejak periode rezim pemerintahan Soeharto, ketentuan tersebut, khususnya pasal 134 KUHP banyak digunakan untuk mengkriminalisasi ungkapan, tulisan, atau perbuatan yang dinilai mencemarkan nama baik Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Ketiadaan parameter untuk mengidentifikasi rasa keterhinaan menyebabkan unsur menghina dimaknai secara kabur oleh para hakim yang mengacu pada politik hukum pidana masing-masing rezim tanpa mempertimbangkan situasi kebatinan yang ada. Adanya potensi kelenturan pemaknaan pasal yang bisa melanggar kebebasan berekspresi mendorong adanya pencabutan pasal penghinaan terhadap Presiden dan Wakil Presiden oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi. Skripsi ini berusaha membuktikan kecenderungan pemaknaan pasal 134 KUHP secara luas melalui analisis terhadap putusan pengadilan, ditunjang dengan dokumen-dokumen sejarah yang ada, di samping membandingkan keberadaan ketentuan tersebut dengan ketentuan serupa di beberapa negara lain.

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ABSTRACT

;Defamation towards President and Vice President of Republic of

Indonesia is regulated in Article 134, 136bis, and article 137 Indonesian Penal

Code. These articles were adopted from the originals regulating defamation

towards King and Queen of Dutch Monarch, which was enforced in Indonesia in

pre-independence period upon concordance basis. After the independence, those

articles were maintained after getting through a conformation?replacement of

?King? and ?Queen? phrases with ?President? and ?Vice President?. Since the

Soeharto era, those articles, especially article 134, were regularly used to

criminalize oral or written expression, and also dissent behavior which were

valued as insulting and jeopardizing the image of President or Vice President. The

absence of parameter to identify the feeling of being insulted caused the obscure

interpretation of the ?defaming? aspect in article 134. The judges gave the

interpretation in the compliance with the politics of criminal law of each regime,

neglecting the ongoing social situation. The possibility of interpreting the law

widely could result on the abuse of freedom of expression, and according to it,

Constitutional Court of Republic of Indonesia decided those existing laws on

defamation towards President and Vice President were void. This thesis aims to

prove the flexibility in interpreting the law, through analyzing court decisions

supported with studies on historical documents regarding defamation towards the

head of the State. This thesis also compared the law of defamation, especially

defamation towards the President and Vice President in Indonesia with other countries., Defamation towards President and Vice President of Republic of

Indonesia is regulated in Article 134, 136bis, and article 137 Indonesian Penal

Code. These articles were adopted from the originals regulating defamation

towards King and Queen of Dutch Monarch, which was enforced in Indonesia in

pre-independence period upon concordance basis. After the independence, those

articles were maintained after getting through a conformation?replacement of

?King? and ?Queen? phrases with ?President? and ?Vice President?. Since the

Soeharto era, those articles, especially article 134, were regularly used to

criminalize oral or written expression, and also dissent behavior which were

valued as insulting and jeopardizing the image of President or Vice President. The

absence of parameter to identify the feeling of being insulted caused the obscure

interpretation of the ?defaming? aspect in article 134. The judges gave the

interpretation in the compliance with the politics of criminal law of each regime,

neglecting the ongoing social situation. The possibility of interpreting the law

widely could result on the abuse of freedom of expression, and according to it,

Constitutional Court of Republic of Indonesia decided those existing laws on

defamation towards President and Vice President were void. This thesis aims to

prove the flexibility in interpreting the law, through analyzing court decisions

supported with studies on historical documents regarding defamation towards the

head of the State. This thesis also compared the law of defamation, especially

defamation towards the President and Vice President in Indonesia with other countries.]"