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"In the context past gross human rights violation cases in Indonesia, the President’s constitutionalauthority to propose amnesty law might by and large implicate legal and ethical aspects.Holistically, any forgiveness and oblivion against any human rights violators should consider thedevelopment and the dynamic of international criminal law, which arguably have been directedto an absolute individual criminal responsibility. Against this issue, this paper finds that based onlegal and ethical arguments, accompanied with various technical preconditions outlined in theBelfast Guideline on Amnesty and Accountability, an amnesty towards past gross human rightsviolators must be taken paradigmatically. Arguably, amnesty proceeding through an independentad hoc committee shall be able to challenge Indonesia’s transitional framework, namely: to workas a historian and a jurist. This suggests that the elements of amnesty, both procedural andsubstantial, need to work in the area of deliberative democracy that calls for public participationand the protection of human rights.Dalam konteks kasus pelanggaran berat hak asasi manusia (HAM) di Indonesia, kewenanganPresiden dalam memberikan amnesti dapat berimplikasi pada dua aspek, yakni: legal dan etik.Secara holistik, pemaafan dan pelupaan terhadap para pelanggar HAM pada masa lalu patutmempertimbangkan perkembangan dan dinamika hukum pidana internasional, yang mengarahpada pertanggungjawaban pidana secara absolut. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa logikaargumentatif secara legal dan etik, serta berbagai prasyarat teknis di dalam Belfast Guidelineon Amnesty and Accountability mengindikasikan bahwa amnesti terhadap pelanggar HAM masalalu harus dilakukan secara paradigmatik. Dalam hal ini, proses amnesti melalui komite ad hocyang mandiri dapat menjawab dua tantangan dalam kerangka kerja transisional di Indonesia,yakni: untuk bekerja sebagai sejarawan dan juga praktisi hukum. Dengan demikian, kebijakanamnesti mengisyaratkan bahwa elemen-elemen amnesti secara prosedural dan substantif wajibdijalankan dalam area demokrasi deliberatif yang menghendaki adanya partisipasi publik danperlindungan terhadap HAM."

"ABSTRACTThis article attempts to situate the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) in Sri Lanka in relation to varying approaches to mechanisms for searching for the missing. In particular, the article examines the possible tensions between a humanitarian and an accountability-based mandate and supports the position of the International Committee of the Red Cross that these two approaches can in fact be complementary in nature. It goes on to contend that the OMPs mandate is primarily humanitarian rather than exclusively humanitarian, and analyzes how this distinction may impact possible criminal prosecutions. It emphasizes the importance of preserving the humanitarian character of the OMP with the objective of ensuring that the victimsrights are at the centre of transitional justice processes."

"What explains the failure of transitional justice and reconciliation measures in post-authoritarian Indonesia? One explanation is that domestic political elites have effectively stymied the efforts of civil society to implement global norms of transitional justice. However as Indonesia has embraced a democratic and decentralized system of government, even the most corrupt and entrenched elites cannot merely veto or reject calls for justice. Instead, opponents have used a variety of strategies including legislative, religious, and cultural strategies to undermine justice initiatives. Examining the recent experiences in Indonesia, this paper shows the effects that a limited transition has had on the justice agenda."

"Dua puluh tahun sejak transisi politik Indonesia pada tahun 1998, kasus-kasus pelanggaran HAM berat yang terjadi pada masa Orde Baru belum dapat diselesaikan. Indonesia menghadapi situasi impunitas, sementara agenda keadilan transisi semakin hilang dari diskursus publik. Disertasi ini meneliti dan menganalisa bagaimana pendekatan advokasi yang dilakukan oleh Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat LSM dan Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia Komnas HAM terhadap kebijakan Bantuan Medis dan Psikososial BMP Lembaga Perlindungan Saksi dan Korban LPSK , tidak hanya memperbaiki prosedur dan pelaksanaan kebijakan BMP tetapi juga dapat mendorong kelanjutan agenda keadilan transisi di Indonesia. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kualitas pemulihan dari kebijakan BMP ditentukan oleh koherensi internal dan eksternal dari kebijakan tersebut. Advokasi yang dilakukan oleh LSM dan Komnas HAM terhadap kebijakan BMP telah menyentuh hal-hal yang menjadi masalah di dalam koherensi kebijakan BMP. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa pendekatan ilmu kesejahteraan sosial tidak hanya bersifat komplementer terhadap pendekatan hukum dalam memandang korban dan hak-hak korban, melainkan justru memberikan perspektif baru dalam memandang fungsi kelembagaan LPSK dan Komnas HAM sebagai Lembaga Pelayanan Manusia.

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Twenty year after Indonesia rsquo;s political transition in 1998, gross human rights violations that occurred during the New Order have not yet being settled. Indonesia is facing impunity, meanwhile the transitional justice agendas are disappearing from public discourse. This dissertation studies and analyses how the advocacy approach, which have been used by Non Governmental Organizations NGOs and the National Human Rights Commission of Indonesia Komnas HAM towards the Medical and Psychosocial Assistance rsquo;s policy BMP of the Victims and Witness Protection Agency LPSK , could not only improve the procedures and the implementation of BMP policy, but could also further drive the transitional justice agendas in Indonesia. This research found that the quality of reparation provided by BMP policy was determined by the internal and external coherence of the policy. Advocacy that were conducted by NGOs and Komnas HAM towards BMP policy have addressed the coherences of BMP policy. This research concludes that social welfare approach is not just a complementary to the legal approach in looking at the victims and the rights they are entitled. Instead, it gives new perspective in looking at the institutional role of LPSK and Komnas HAM as Human Service Organizations HSO ."

"ABSTRACTIn the last thirty years, tens of thousands of Sri Lankans have experienced enforced disappearances of family members. In 2016, many members of such families came before the Consultation Task Force on Reconciliation Mechanisms, which was mandated to gather views on how people thought the transitional justice mechanisms should be designed, how they should be established and how they should function. This process allowed the families to share their experiences and to outline what they saw as important in shaping the transitional justice mechanisms. This article surveys the complex nature of their distress and psychosocial needs, as expressed by them during the consultations. It proposes that transitional justice mechanisms should be designed to protect their psychosocial well-being, address their complex psychosocial needs, and provide them with support and protection before, during and after their engagement in the mechanisms."

"ABSTRACTThis article discusses the role of archives of transitional justice and dealing with the past (DWP) mechanisms when determining the fate of missing persons. The concept of dealing with the past, the terms enforced disappearance and missing person, and the specific role of archives in periods of transition are examined. Subsequently, specific questions and challenges related to access and use of archives by DWP mechanisms, including those mechanisms with a mandate to determine the fate of missing persons, are described. Many questions related to access to archives, information management and preservation of records are similarly applicable to DWP mechanisms in general and to specific mechanisms mandated to search for missing persons. The article provides some examples of Statesobligations related to maintaining and providing access to archives that could assist in the search for missing persons under international law and policy. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of the preservation and protection of archives relevant for dealing with the past. It further highlights the need to grant DWP mechanisms, especially those aimed at determining the fate of missing persons, access to those archives."

"In the communication of pain, language matters. Telling someone to feel pain is not just a description of one’s pain, it is – as philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein informs us – also asking for recognition of that pain. This requires a shared language which communicates it. Do we need a new language which can communicate and recognize the pain of the colonial past more effectively? Commencing with the recent apology for waging “a colonial war” in Indonesia by the Dutch prime minister, this article suggests an intervention in postcolonial recognition politics by exploring the idea of the multi-voicedness. Multi-voicedness (Meerstemmigheid) has become a catchword in current public and scholarly debates about the Dutch colonial past and its legacy, in which decades of recognition politics have tended to privilege clear-cut binary identities favouring certain voices above others. There is little conceptual clarity around what the term multi-voicedness entails and even less about its utility in postcolonial discourse. Although commonly associated with juxtaposing different perspectives, this article argues that introducing the lens of multi-voicedness – more specifically the idea of the dialogical self (Hubert J.M. Hermans 2004) – into the recognition discourse, contributes to a better understanding of transnational recognition politics. Capturing the diaspora’s multi-voicedness permits wider scrutiny of what is otherwise a too simplified identity and generation question implicated in post-colonial recognition politics. It will be argued that recognition claims, although supposedly part of an emancipatory struggle, are silencing the multi-voicedness of entangled Indonesian-Dutch family history, the driver for the fight for justice in the first place."