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Iksan R.A. Arsad
Abstrak :
Disertasi ini menjelaskan tentang konflik elit lokal formal Gubernur Maluku Utara versus elit lokal tradisional Sultan Tidore dan Walikota Tidore Kepulauan pasca penetapan wilayah Sofifi sebagai ibukota Provinsi Maluku Utara dengan mengambil periode studi 2010-2016. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk menjawab pertanyaan tentang bagaimana faktor wilayah, politik/kekuasaan, ekonomi, pembangunan kota dan wilayah politik baru sebagai sumber konflik elit lokal itu dan relasi kekuasaan tradisional kesultanan dan kekuasaan formal dalam sistem desentralisasi di Indonesia. Teori yang digunakan dalam menganalisis permasalahan ini adalah (1) teori konflik Ted Robert Gurr dan konsensus Maswadi Rauf; (2) teori desentralisasi B.C Smith dan pemerintahan lokal John Stewart; (3) teori kekuasaan Robert Dahl, Charles F. Andrain dan Max Weber; dan (4) teori negara lama dan negara baru Richard Dagger dan Walter Scheidel serta teori negara modern Christopher W. Morris. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode berupa pendekatan kualitatif dengan mengambil desain studi kasus. Data primer yang digunakan diperoleh dari wawancara mendalam (indepth interview) kepada narasumber dan informan kunci, data sekunder dari kajian pustaka dan dokumen. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa konflik elit lokal pada proses desentralisasi di Sofifi didorong oleh beberapa faktor sebagai sumber konflik, yaitu ; faktor wilayah, faktor kepentingan ekonomi, faktor pembangunan, faktor wilayah politik baru, dan faktor kekuasaan tradisional Sultan dalam negara. Adapun relasi kuasa pada negara lama dan negara baru, negara baru telah memarjinalkan penguasa tradisional negara lama yang merupakan simbol budaya dan penjaga eksistensi kebudayaan lokal. Sedangkan pada implementasi desentralisasi di Sofifi, proses itu masih mendapat tantangan dari kekuasaan tradisional kesultanan Implikasi teoritis dalam studi ini adalah ; (1) teori konflik dari Ted Robert Gurr dan konsensus dari Maswadi Rauf terbukti; (2) teori desentralisasi dari B.C. Smith dan pemerintahan lokal dari John Stewart terbukti, (3) teori negara lama (monarki) dan negara baru (republik) dari Richard Dagger dan Walter Scheidel serta teori negara modern dari Christopher W. Morris terbukti; dan (4) Konsep pemekaran daerah dari Minako Sakai dan Adi Suryanto didorong oleh faktor-faktor sejarah, ekonomi, etnik dan politik mendapat tambahan faktor elit lokal (tradisional). Adapun kontribusi studi ini terhadap ilmu politik adalah untuk memperkuat negara yang dibangun berdasarkan pluralisme diperlukan eksistensi negara lama di bidang kebudayaan. ......This dissertation describes the conflict of the formal local elite of North Maluku Governor versus the traditional local elites of Sultan Tidore and the Major of Tidore Kepulauan after the assignment of Sofifi as the capital of North Maluku Province during the period of study of 2010-2016. This study answers the questions of how territorial, political, and economic factors as well as the town development and new political domain have resulted in the conflict of traditional local and formal local elites in Indonesia’s decentralized system. This study employs such theories as (1) Ted Robert Gurr’s conflict theory and Maswadi Rauf’s consensus; (2) B.C Smith’s decentralization theory and John Stewart’s local government; (3) Robert Dahl, Charles F. Andrain and Max Weber’s theory of power; and (4) Richard Dagger and Walter Scheidel’s theory of old state and new state and Christopher W. Morris’s modern state theory. The study uses qualitative approach with case-study design. The primary data was collected from in-depth interview to a number of resource persons and key informants while the secondary data was collected from literature and document review. Results of the study concludes that the local elite conflict in the process of decentralization in Sofifi originated from a number of such conflict sources as territory, economic interest, development, new political domain, and traditional power of Sultan in the state. With regard to the power relation, the new state has marginalized the ruler of the old state being the cultural symbol that reserve local culture. In the implementation of decentralization in Sofifi, the process has been challenged by the Sultanate traditional power. The study reveals a number of theoretical implications. First, Ted Robert Gurr’s theory of conflict and Maswadi Rauf’s consensus were supported. Second, B.C. Smith’s theory of decentralization and John Stewart’s local government theory were equally supported. Third, Richard Dagger and Walter Scheidel’s theory of old state (monarch) and new state (republic) as well as Christopher W. Morris’ modern state were accordingly supported. Fourth, Minako Sakai and Adi Suryanto’s concept of local split is driven by such historical, economic, ethnic, political, and traditional local elite factors. In the sphere of political science, this study contributes to the strengthening of the heterogeneous and pluralistic state through the existence of cultural existence of the old state.
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2016
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UI - Disertasi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Dedi Adhuri
Abstrak :
In this article I discuss the impact of Village Law No.5, 1979 on the social actions of local elites. Using a case study of a traditional community (marga) located in Lahat, South Sumatera, I argue that Village Law No.5, 1979 did not marginalize tradition or the traditional community. At a practical or behavioral level, actors, in this case local elites used both tradition and Village Law as references for their actions. However, these two structures, tradition and Village Law were subject to selection. The selection was based on the actors understanding about particular context and the goal(s) of their actions. When tradition offered efficient means for achieving their goals, they selected tradition as a reference point for their behavior. In another context, when they saw that the Village Law offered more to suit their interest, they referred to it. It was also possible that, in a particular context, actors used and ignored the existence of some elements of both structures. In conclusion, I suggest that despite the fact that the application of the Village Law should have been understood to replace the traditional system of marga, people still used it as reference for their actions. Therefore, it would be misleading to say that Village Law has marginalized the traditional social organization.
2002
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Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Bayu Satria Utama
Abstrak :
Penelitian ini menjelaskan tentang faktor penentu terjadinya pergeseran dominasi elit lokal dari aktor aristokrat Sasak kepada kelompok Tuan Guru NW dalam pilkada NTB pasca Orde Baru. Secara umum, pergeseran elit lokal pasca kejatuhan rezim Orde Baru terjadi akibat adanya kekosongan dominasi struktur pemerintah pusat dan kelembagaan partai politik di daerah yang memberi ruang aktor lokal untuk mendominasi melalui ikatan-ikatan etnis untuk menguasai struktur pemerintahan di daerah (Vel, 2001; Buehler, 2007; MacDougall, 2007; Toha, 2012; Tasanaldy, 2012; Choi, 2014). Di sisi lain, kekosongan aktor pemerintah pusat mendorong adanya perubahan peran elit agama yang terlibat dalam politik (Kingsley, 2014; Fahrrurozi, 2018). Fenomena pergeseran dominasi aktor aristokrat Sasak kepada kelompok Tuan Guru di NTB menunjukkan hal yang berbeda. Kendati hilangnya dominasi rezim Orde Baru, akan tetapi dominasi dari aktor yang memiliki kedekatan pada struktur kekuasaan di pemeritah pusat mampu mendominasi kontestasi politik elektoral di daerah. Di sisi lain, ikatan etnis hanya menjadi media penguat perbedaan identitas kelompok yang bersaing, bukan sebagai penentu kemenangan aktor. Justru faktor utama yang menyebabkan adanya pergeseran dominasi elit di NTB yakni kapasitas dari aktor sentral dan institusi informal yang memiliki kedekatan dengan beragam aktor lain di daerah. Dengan kata lain, kehadiran aktor elit agama dalam aktivitas politik merupakan cerminan dari ketiadaan kompetitor dari luar kalangan elit agama yang memiliki kapasitas aktor dan kelembagaan informal yang kuat di daerah. Studi ini menggunakan teori struktur kekuasaan masyarakat (Knoke, 1990) dan teori kelembagaan informal (Helmke & Levitsky, 2002) sebagai alat analisis. Berdasarkan penggunaan teori tersebut, pergeseran elit lokal di NTB terjadi akibat adanya kapasitas aktor sentral yang dimiliki kelompok Tuan Guru NW yang mampu memanfaatkan struktur informal Nahdlatul Wathan melalui pilkada langsung pada tahun 2008, 2013 dan 2018. Di pihak lain, kelompok aristokrat Sasak hanya terfokus pada aktor tanpa menggunakan kelembagaan informal dalam membentuk integrasi dan koordinasi guna mencapai tujuan bersama. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kemampuan aktor aristokrat Sasak hanya mampu mendominasi dalam pemilihan kepala daerah melalui DPRD pada tahun 1998 dan 2003, sedangkan kelompok Tuan Guru NW memiliki dominasi dalam pilkada langsung tahun 2008, 2013 dan 2018.
This study explains the determinants of the shift of local elite domination from Sasak aristocratic actors to the group of Tuan Guru NW in the West Nusa Tenggara Elections post New Order. In general, the shift in local elites after the fall of the New Order regime occurred due to the emptiness of the dominance of the central government and political parties in the regions which gave local actors space to dominate through ethnic ties to control the governance structures in the regions (Vel, 2001; Buehler, 2007; MacDougall, 2007; Toha, 2012; Tasanaldy, 2012; Choi, 2014). On the other hand, the void of central government actors encourages a change in the role of religious elites involved in politics (Kingsley, 2014; Fahrrurozi, 2018). The phenomenon of Sasak aristocratic actor domination shifting to the Tuan Guru group in West Nusa Tenggara shows a different matter. Although there was a loss of dominance of the New Order regime, the dominance of actors who had a closeness to the power structure at the Soeharto regime was able to dominate electoral political contestation in the regions. On the other hand, ethnic ties only serve as a medium to reinforce the differences in the identities of competing groups, not as a determinant of actor's victory. It is precisely the main factor that causes a shift in dominance, namely the capacity of the central actor who has closeness with various other actors in the area. In other words, the presence of religious elite actors in political activities is a reflection of the absence of competitors from outside the religious elite who have strong informal actor and institutional capacity in the regions. This study uses the theory of community power structures (Knoke, 1990) and informal institutional theory (Helmke & Levitsky, 2002) as analytical tools. Based on the use of this theory, the shift in local elites in West Nusa Tenggara occurred due to the capacity of the central actors owned by the Tuan Guru NW group who were able to utilize the informal structure of Nahdlatul Wathan through direct elections in 2008, 2013 and 2018. On the other hand, Sasak aristocratic groups were only focused on actors without using informal institutions in forming integration and coordination in order to achieve common goals. This study shows that the ability of Sasak aristocratic actors was only able to dominate in parliament elections in 1998 and 2003, while the Tuan Guru NW group had dominance in the direct elections in 2008, 2013 and 2018.
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2019
T54803
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Adlina Marga Ummu Aiman
Abstrak :
Skripsi ini membahas mengenai implikasi konflik antar elit lokal di Surabaya terhadap pelaksanaan penutupan lokalisasi Dolly-Jarak tahun 2014. Penelitian ini mengaplikasikan konsep divided government dan unified and consensual elites sebagai kerangka analisis. Pencalonan Tri Rismaharini sebagai calon Walikota yang diusung PDIP pada Pilkada tahun 2010 telah menjadi sumber konflik internal antar elit PDIP Surabaya. Konflik tersebut mengakibatkan munculnya berbagai hambatan yang dihadapi Walikota selama masa pemerintahannya. Penelitian dilakukan melalui metode studi kasus dengan menggunakan teknik pengumpulan data yaitu studi literatur, observasi, dan wawancara secara mendalam. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Walikota sempat mengalami kesulitan dalam menutup lokalisasi Dolly-Jarak tahun 2014. Namun, penutupan dapat tetap terlaksana karena Walikota dapat memperoleh dukungan di tingkat elit dengan cara melakukan konsolidasi dan konsensus antar elit. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa implikasi konflik antar elit lokal di Surabaya terhadap penutupan lokalisasi Dolly-Jarak dapat tercermin dalam dua kategori perdebatan yang timbul antar elit tersebut. Pertama, perdebatan terkait cara dan waktu pelaksanaan penutupan lokalisasi Dolly-Jarak. Kedua, perdebatan terkait kebijakan pasca penutupan, yakni nominal bantuan dana stimulant, upaya rehabilitasi, dan pembangunan di eks-lokalisasi Dolly-Jarak.
This thesis discusses the implication of local elites conflict towards the closure of Dolly-Jarak localization in 2014. This research applies divided government and unified and consensual elites concept as the analysis framework. The internal conflict of PDIP Surabaya?s elites is initially generated from Tri Rismaharini?s candidacy for Surabaya?s local leaders election in 2010 which is supported by PDIP. The conflict has raised all sorts of disturbances during Tri Rismaharini?s reign as the city?s mayor. This research uses case study method with literature observation study and in depth interview data collection technique. The result shows that Tri Rismaharini has some difficulties in closing Dolly-Jarak localization in 2014. However, the closure is still executed because of the support from the elites which is gained by consolidation and consensus between elites. It concludes that the implication of local elites conflict towards the closure of Dolly-Jarak localization could be shown through the emergence of debates pertaining to the issue. The debates on the closure of Dolly-Jarak localization could be categorized into two types. First, the debate is about time and method of the Dolly-Jarak localization closure. Second, the debate is about post-closure policy which discusses nominal of the stimulant fund, rehabilitation, and the development of the ex-Dolly-Jarak localization.
2015
S62491
UI - Skripsi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Abstrak :
Tulisan ini berusaha memberikan pemahaman terhadap "sepak terjang" para elit di salah satu wilayah ujung Timur Pulau Sumba ketika bersinggungan dengan program pembangunan....
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Zulkifli Abdullah
Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Tesis ini membahas kontestasi elit lokal dalam konflik pembentukan Kabupaten Mamasa dalam kerangka pemikiran Pierre Bourdieu tentang habitus, modal dan ranah (field). Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif melalui studi kasus, penelitian ini mengkaji perpecahan internal elit Mandar dalam merespon kebijakan pemekaran daerah melalui penetapan Undang-Undang nomor 11 tahun 2002 tentang pembentukan Kabupaten Mamasa, yang berimplikasi terhadap lahirnya konflik horozontal pada masyarakat Aralle, Tabulahan, dan Mambi (ATM) di Kabupaten Mamasa. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa para elit Mandar terpolarisasi ke dalam dua habitus kelompok politik, yaitu kelompok pro pemekaran dan kontra pemekaran. Habitus politik kelompok pro pembentukan Kabupaten Mamasa dilatari oleh kekuasaan atau kemandirian dalam mengelola pembangunan dan kesejahteraan di daerahnya. Sedangkan habitus politik kontra pemekaran Kabupaten Mamasa dilatari oleh upaya mempertahankan relasi etnisitas, keagamaan, dan pengalaman kesejarahan dengan penduduk Mandar. Kedua kelompok politik tersebut memaksimalkan kekuatan modal, baik sosial, ekonomi, budaya maupun simbolik, untuk bertarung memenangkan arena kontestasi pemekaran daerah. Akhirnya, melalui habitus dan kekuatan modal yang dominan, para elit politik pro pemekaran Mamasa berhasil memenangkan kontestasi dengan mempertahankan dan menyukseskan implementasi Undang-Undang Nomor 11 tahun 2002.
ABSTRACT
This thesis examines the contestation between local political elites over the establishment of the Mamasa Regency, through Pierre Bourdieu?s concepts of habitus, capital and field. Using a qualitative method with a case study approach, this research examines the internal schism among the elites of the Mandar ethnic group in responding to the regional expansion policy through the issuance of Law No. 11/2002 on the Establishment of the Mamasa Regency, which triggers a horizontal conflict in the Aralle, Tabulahan and Mambi (ATM) people in Mamasa regency. This research concludes that the elites of the Mandar ethnic group are polarized into two groups with differing political habitus, which respectively supports and opposes the regional expansion. The habitus of the group supporting the expansion is the seeking of ways to gain the power or independence to manage the region?s infrastructure and people development, whereas the habitus of group opposing the regional expansion is the seeking of ways to maintain ethnic relations as well as preserve religious and historical experiences with the Mandar people. Both political groups utilized various capitals (social, economic, cultural and symbolic) to achieve their respective goals in the arena of political contestation. Ultimately, through powerful habitus and dominant capitals, the pro-regional expansion group succeeded in maintaining the regional expansion and implemented the Law No. 11/2002 on the Establishment of the Mamasa Regency.
2016
T-Pdf
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library